We know a great deal about Thomas Pell and the five New Englanders who signed the so-called "Indian Deed" by which Pell acquired from local Native Americans on June 27, 1654 the lands that became the Manor of Pelham. See, e.g., Bell, Blake A., The New Englanders Who Signed Thomas Pell's 1654 Agreement Acquiring Much of Today's Bronx and Lower Westchester Counties From Native Americans, The Bronx County Historical Society Journal, Vol. XLVI, Nos. 1 & 2, pp. 25-49 (Spring / Fall, 2009). We do not, however, know much about the Native Americans who signed the same document.
The Pell Indian Deed
The Pell Indian Deed, of which an image appears below and a transcription appears at the end of today's Historic Pelham Blog article, consisted of two parts: the deed and a section entitled "articles of agreement." The deed, of course, conveyed to Pell much of today's Bronx and lower Westchester Counties. The section entitled "articles of agreement," however, was particularly fascinating.
The entire "articles of agreement" section of the document read as follows:
"We also as lovinge neighbours & ffriends doo mutually ingage our Selves to send too men off Each yr one Day in ye Springe every yeare to marke ye Bounds of ye Land yt a Right Knowledge may be kept wh out injury to Either side yt Mutuall peace & love may be mayntayned 2nd Wee allso doo promise Each to other if any plotts on either Side yt may be to hurt off Either yt we Seasonably Discover ym as Lovinge Neighbours & friends yt peace & love may be mutually preserved'
That section affirmatively obligated both the English settlers and the Native Americans to choose two representatives one day in the Spring of "every yeare" to inspect the boundaries of the land that was the subject of the deed so that "Right Knowledge may be kept wh out [without] injuury to Either side yt Mutuall peace & love may be mayntayned."
Such a mutual cooperation clause without any time limitation was truly remarkable. Of course, only eleven years before, local Native Americans in the area had murdered local settlers including Anne Hutchinson and members of her family. Before that, Captains John Mason and John Underhill brutally slaughtered an entire Native American village in the region during the brutal and bloody Pequot War. Surely both the Native Americans and the local settlers were acutely aware of the atrocities committed against each other. They had the foresight, the courage and the confidence to pledge to one another "as lovinge neighbours & friends" to work together to resolve boundary disputes, presumably to avoid any further conflicts.
Significantly, the "articles of agreement" seemed to recognize that Native Americans would remain in the region after the sale and would cooperate with Thomas Pell not only to avoid disputes over the bounds of the lands being sold, but also to protect each other from "plotts" to hurt either "Side." Indeed, this second part of the articles of agreement became important barely two years later after Dutch authorities moved to evict English settlers who had acquired lands from Thomas Pell to found the settlement of West Chester. Pell was furious and used the provision in an effort to stir up local Native Americans to help him defend his purchase against such encroachments by the Dutch. See Mon., Aug. 17, 2015: Buyer's Remorse: After Thomas Pell Bought Pelham From Native Americans, He Wanted His Money Back!
17th Century Copy of the Pell Indian Deed Signed by Thomas Pell and
Native Americans on June 27, 1654 (Believed to be In Thomas Pell's
Handwriting). The Whereabouts of the Original Deed Are Unknown.
This Copy is on Display in the Thompson-Pell Research Center
Located near Fort Ticonderoga National Historic Landmark
in Ticonderoga, New York. NOTE: Click on Image to Enlarge.
The portion of the so-called Pell Indian Deed that conveyed lands to Thomas Pell was signed with marks by five Indian proprietors or owners referenced in the deed as "Saggamores" (i.e., chiefs who also were called sachems and sakimas). The five, as listed in the Pell Deed, were: Shawanórõckquot, Poquõrúm, Anhõõke, Wawhamkus, Mehúmõw.
The very first signature (by "Marke") was that of a Native American who likely was the most prominent leader of the representatives who sold the land to Pell: Shawanórõckquot. Significantly, this likely is an example of many, many variant phonetic spellings of a well-known Wiechquaeskeck sachem known, and often referenced, as "Sauwenaroque." The hamlet of Shenorock (and Lake Shenorock within that hamlet) in the Town of Somers, Westchester County, New York is named after this Native American.
Spelling Variants of the Name of the "Saggamore" Shawanórõckquot
Scholars who have worked to understand so-called "Indian Deeds" addressing lands in the region of Westchester County and the Bronx have attempted to identify some of the sachems who appear on such deeds including the "Saggamore" who signed Pell's Indian Deed named Shawanórõckquot. Thus, for example, noted Munsee scholar Robert S. Grumet has written:
"Shawnarockquot and Anhooke's June 27, 1654 sale of land east of Aquaoung (noted as Aquehung, today's Bronx River, in the March 12, 1663 deed) took in territory patented in 1667 as the town of Westchester. Subsequent deeds either confirmed earlier sales to Van der Donck or the Westchester townsfolk or settled disputes to places like Wakefield (above Rattlesnake Brook), West Farms, and Fordham uncertainly demcarcated within previous purchases. Data presented within the surviving deeds include names of several people noted as Indian owners, proprietors, or sagamores (chiefs, also called sachems and sakimas). Perhaps the most prominent of these was a leader identified as Shawnarockquot on the June 27, 1654 Pell deed and Shonearockite on the March 12, 1663 West Farms conveyance. These names are almost certainly variant spellings of Sauwenaroque, (fl. 1636-1666), a leading Wiechquaeskeck sachem. Many of the other Indians named in these documents as co-signatories or witnesses appear in contemporary documents recording events in nearby locales."
Source: Grumet, Robert S., Indians in the Bronx: The Ethnohistorical Evidence, p. 3 (draft mss., Oct. 3, 2016) (copy in files of the author).
Robert S. Grumet and other scholars have identified a number of phonetic spelling variants of the name "Sauwenaroque." See, e.g., Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 328 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes); Grumet, Robert S., The Munsee Indians: A History, pp. 299 n.27 & 439 (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009) (referenced below as "Grumet."); Grumet, Robert S., Beyond Manhattan: A Gazetteer of Delaware Indian History Reflected in Modern-Day Place Names -- New York State Museum Record 5, p. 29 (Printed in U.S.A.: N.Y. State Education Dep't, 2014) (referenced below as "Grumet, Beyond Manhattan"); Midtrod, Tom Arne, Native American Diplomacy in the Colonial Hudson Valley, pp. 28, 37, 92, 110, 224, 226 n. 34, 295, 297 (Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 2012); Romney, Susanah Shaw, New Netherland Connections -- Intimate Networks and Atlantic Ties in Seventeenth-Century America, p. 183 n.91 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2014); Ruttenber, Edward Manning, History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River: Their Origin, Manners and Customs; Tribal and Sub-Tribal Organizations; Wars, Treaties, Etc., Etc., p. 366 (Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1872).
One publication has noted that the variations of spellings of this particular Wiechquaeskeck's name are quite extensive, stating:
"The great variation of Indian names in the records, due to phonetic representation, is often appalling. For example, we find above in the minutes 'Janorocket;' in Deeds, vol. 3, p. 37, 'Jano Rockett;' an Indian deed to Edward Jessup and John Richardson, March 12, 1664/65, in Deeds, vol. 2, pp. 58-59, calls him 'Shawnerockett,' whilst Bolton, History of the County of Westchester (1881 edition), vol. 2, p. 361, names him Shanarocke or Shanarockwell, sagamore of Poningoe. These are by no means the only forms given for this Indian."
Source: "Minutes of the Executive Council" in Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York -- One Hundred and Thirty-Third Session, Vol. XXXIII, No. 67, Part 1, p. 71 (Albany, NY: J. B. Lyon, 1910).
According to such scholars, spelling variants of the name "Sauwenaroque" seem to include at least those listed below, distilled from the various references cited above:
Shawanórõckquot (Id.; see also Pell Indian Deed)
Janorocket (Romney, p. 183 n.91) (Grumet, p. 439)
Jano Rockett (Minutes of Executive Council, Vol. XXXIII, No. 67, Part 1, p. 71)
Sauwenaare (Romney, p. 183 n.91)
Sauwenar (Romney, p. 183 n.91)
Sauwenare (Ruttenber, p. 366, citing Albany Records, III, p. 379)
Sauwenaroque (Romney, p. 183 n.91) (Grumet, p. 439)
Shanorock (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 151)
Shanorocke (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 151)
Shanarocke (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 151)
Shanarockwell (Bolton, NYC in Indian Possession, pp. 219, 328) (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 127)
Shanorocket (Grumet, Beyond Manhattan, p. 29)
Shanorockwell (Grumet, Beyond Manhattan, p. 29)
Shawnerockett (Minutes of Executive Council, Vol. XXXIII, No. 67, Part 1, p. 71)
Shenerock (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 151)
Shenerocke (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 152)
Shenorock (Bolton, NYC in Indian Possession, pp. 219, 328)
Shewenorocketts (Midtrod, p. 226 n.34)
Shocoke (Baird, Chronicle of a Border Town, p. 11)
Shonarocke (Bolton, NYC in Indian Possession, pp. 219, 328)
Shonearockite (Bolton, NYC in Indian Possession, pp. 219, 328)
Showannorocot (Bolton, 1881, Vol. 2, p. 152)
Showannorocott (Bolton, NYC in Indian Possession, pp. 219, 328)
Showan Orockett (Romney, p. 183 n.91) (Grumet p. 439)
Shuwannorocot (Bolton, NYC in Indian Possession, pp. 219, 328)
Who Was "Shawanórõckquot" Who Signed the Pell Indian Deed
Before proceeding, it is important to note that if the "Shawanórõckquot" referenced in the Pell Indian Deed was, in fact, the Wiechquaeskeck sachem called "Sauwenaroque," this would be further compelling evidence that Wiechquaeskecks sold the lands to Pell -- not some "tribe" referenced by many over the last 150 years as "Siwanoys." See Wed., Jan. 29, 2014: There Were No Native Americans Known as Siwanoys. It also is important to note, however, that any concept that there was a band, clan, tribe, or grouping of Native Americans that understood (or referenced) themselves to be "Wiechquaeskecks would be misleading. The Dutch associated Native Americans northeast of today's Manhattan in areas we now know as the Bronx, Pelham, and portions of Westchester County as associated with a physical location referenced under a variety of spellings in some Dutch documents including the reference "Wijckerscreek" which may have been an effort to describe a geographic feature. Dutch and, later, English referenced Native Americans in the region as "Wiechquaeskecs" (among many variant spellings).
Robert S. Grumet, who wrote the seminal text "The Munsee Indians: A History" published in 2009, described Sauwenaroque as "the leading Wiechquaeskeck sachem" and indicates that he was active between 1636 and 1666. Grumet, Robert S., The Munsee Indians: A History, pp. 299 n.27 & 439 (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009).
As early as 1645, a Native American described as "Sauwenare, sachem of Wieckqueskeck," together with "Amenameck his brother" and "others, all owners, etc." sold lands on the Hudson River "called Wieckquaeskeck" to a man named "Wouter Van Twiller." See Ruttenber, Edward Manning, History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River: Their Origin, Manners and Customs; Tribal and Sub-Tribal Organizations; Wars, Treaties, Etc., Etc., p. 366 (Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1872).
Ten years later, in 1655, the Director General and Council of New Netherland prepared a form of deed that seems to have been intended effectively to nullify this 1645 transaction. The form, which was never completed, contained blanks that were never filled in, and was designated as "canceled" in the records, would have provided for "Sauwenare, sachem of Wieckqeskeck, [and] Annenameck, his brother" to reconvey the property to the Director and Council. The canceled form stated that "their deceased brother Pechquakor (by the Dutch called Wouter) and other [of] their blood relations delivered over and donated in the year 1645 to the honorable director general and council."
This suggested that "Wouter Van Twiller" (to whom Sauwenare, Amenameck, and others reportedly conveyed Wiechquaeskeck in 1645) was a "blood relation" related to Sauwenare who, in the same year, "delivered over and donated in the year 1645 to the honorable director general and council." Of course, the fact that such a draft "form" was prepared suggests a lack of any meaningful documentation of the original transaction. Moreover, the fact that the form was not completed and was designated "canceled" also calls into question whether the Dutch truly acquired Wiechquaeskeck at any time prior to 1655 (or thereafter).
During the first few years of the 1660s, the so-called "Esopus Wars" raged throughout the region. Dutch settlers battled members of the Esopus tribe of the Delaware. On March 6, 1660, Dutch officials summoned several local chiefs to Fort Amsterdam to warn them against joining with or assisting the Esopus and Raritan Native Americans in the ongoing conflict. The five sachems present at the gathering agreed and the agreement was documented as a "Treaty" in the minutes of the meeting.
Those minutes reflect that at the end of the meeting, the Dutch officials asked the Native Americans "whether they had anything more to say." The Native Americans responded by demanding to know "why Sauwenare was not also present, whereas he was also a chief and their friend." Significantly, the Dutch responded that the Wiechquaeskeck Chief was not present because he was being held in a Dutch prison at Fort Amsterdam "on account of some [unspecified] charges made against him." The Dutch responded that they would immediately bring Sauwenare to the meeting and grant him a release from prison if each of the chiefs present "would engage themselves, that he or his people should do no more harm to us or to ours or in case it should happen, that they would then deliver the evil-doer into our hands." The chiefs agreed and the sachem referenced as Sauwenare was brought to the room. The minutes reflect in detail what happened next:
"Sauwenar was brought up and informed of the foregoing, whereupon he answered that he was glad, that the peace was renewed, that his heart would henceforth be that of a Dutchman and he would live with them like a brother. Thus they left satisfied and the Sachems engaged themselves, to inform all their savages and it was made known to the neighboring villages by the firing of a cannon."
This incident, of course, suggests that there may have been no love lost between the Wiechquaeskeck sachem "Sauwenar" and the Dutch. He may have informed the Director General that "his heart would henceforth be that of a Dutchman and he would live with them like a brother," but what would he be expected to say as a man hoping to avoid a return to imprisonment and depart with his sachem colleagues?
Three years later, in 1663, after the "Esopus Wars" already had raged for nearly four years, a coalition of Dutch settlers, Wappingers, and Mohawks prepared for a major initiative to end the conflict. The Dutch Director General and his Council summoned a group of three Native American "chiefs" from the region to Fort Amsterdam. (The chiefs brought about eleven "savages" with them to the meeting.)
During that meeting, on September 10, 1663, the Dutch officials warned the Native Americans that the Dutch planned to pursue and punish the Esopus Indians and further warned them not to join or support the Esopus which the Native Americans promised. This time, among the Native Americans who were summoned and appeared at that meeting was one described in the minutes of the proceeding as "Sauwenaare, chief of Wiechquaeskeck."
The fact that Native American sachems had the Dutch bring the Wiechquaeskeck chief to the March 6, 1660 meeting and the fact that the Dutch included Sauwenaare in the July 10, 1663 meeting with local sachems suggests that he wielded substantial influence over his people and that the Dutch understood and even respected that influence.
Additionally, between 1660 and 1666, Sauwenaroque was involved in a fascinating series of so-called "Indian Deeds" that transfer massive tracts that included roughly the areas covered by the towns of Rye and Harrison, portions of the towns of North Castle and Bedford, portions of Greenwich, Connecticut and, in a northwesterly direction, really had no fixed boundary (thus prompting Rye later to hold "cherished pretensions to the whole region beyond, as far as the Hudson.") Most significantly, a number of the other Native American signers of various of these deeds also signed the Pell Indian Deed.
For example, on June 29, 1660, a "sagamore" referenced as "Shanarockwell" led a group of Native Americans who executed a deed selling Manussing Island (today's Manursing Island off the coast of Rye) to a group of Greenwich residents. Significantly, it appears that several of the Native Americans who signed the Pell Indian Deed with Shawanórõckquot (i.e., Shanarockwell) also signed the June 29, 1660 Manussing deed. Below is a list with the names as they appeared on the Pell Indian Deed on the left and the phonetically similar names as they appeared on the June 29, 1660 Manussing deed on the right:
Shawanórõckquot Shanarockwell
Cockho Cokow
Cockinsecawa Cokinseco
Kamaque Quaraiko
Mehúmõw Maowbert
Nearly a year later, on May 22, 1661, four Native Americans executed an acknowledgement confirming that "Cokoe and Marrmeukhong and Affawauwone and Nahtiweman and Shocoke and Wauwhowarnt" had sold land between the Blind Brook and the Byram River north of lands previously sold to a group of New Englanders. The document was executed by only some of the named Native Americans: "Marrmeukhong, Affawauwone, Nahtimeman, and Coke." The Native American referenced as "Shocoke" in the document likely was Shawanórõckquot and at least one other referenced as a signatory named "Cokoe" also signed the Pell Indian Deed (with his mark) as "Cockho."
Thereafter, on November 8, 1661, a "sagamore" referenced as "Shanarocke" and other Native Amerians executed a deed selling to John Budd, Sr. of Southold lands part of today's Rye bounded on the east by Blind Brook and on the west by Stony Brook (or Beaver Meadow Brook) and extending "northward as far as Westchester Path, and southward to the sea." Several of the Native Americans who signed the Pell Indian Deed with Shawanórõckquot (i.e., Shanarocke) also signed this November 8, 1661 deed. Below is a list with the names as they appeared on the Pell Indian Deed on the left and the phonetically similar names as they appeared on the November 8, 1661 Rye deed on the right:
Shawanórõckquot Shanarocke
Cockho Cokeo
Kamaque Rawmaquaie
Cockinsecawa Cockenseco
Thereafter, on the "eleventh month, fifth day, 1661," a "sachem" referenced as "Shenerock" and "Shenorock" executed a confirmation that he had "received full satisfaction" for a purchase made "of me and other Ingains [i.e., Indians]" Hen Island, Pine Island, and the Scotch Caps lying in the Sound off the shores of Rye. Apparently no other Native American signed this confirmation.
A few days later, on the "11 MONTH, TWELFTH DAY, 1661," another group of Native Americans led by one referenced as "Shenorock" and "Shenerocke" (as the first signer of yet again) executed a deed transferring to John Budd the West Neck (a tract of land adjoining Budd's Neck, proper, and lying between Stoney Brook and the Mamaroneck River. Once again, it appears at least one other Native American who signed the Pell Indian Deed with Shawanórõckquot (i.e., Shenerock and Shenorock) also signed this West Neck deed. Below is a list with the names as they appeared on the Pell Indian Deed on the left and the phonetically similar names as they appeared on the West Neck deed on the right:
Shawanórõckquot Shenorock and Shenerocke
Kamaque Rawmaqua
A short time later, on June 2, 1662, what appeared to be the same pair of Native Americans, apparently representing themselves and other Native Americans (including two others listed in the document but who do not appear to have executed it) finalized a deed selling to a group of New Englanders land above the Westchester Path, west of Blind Brook or directly north of Budd's Neck. The land was the territory of Harrison that was taken from Rye in 1702. The two who executed the deed and at least one of the others listed in the document seem to be Native Americans who also signed the Pell Indian Deed. Once again, below is a list with the names as they appeared on the Pell Indian Deed on the left and the phonetically similar names as they appeared on the West Neck deed on the right:
Shawanórõckquot Showannorocot
Kamaque Romkque
Poquõrúm Powataham
Almost two years later, a Native American referenced as "Shawnerockett" was the lead Native American signatory (by his mark) on a deed that sold lands that became West Farms (an area now in the Bronx) to Edward Jessup and John Richardson. Although it is not now known with certainty whether any of the other eight Native Americans who signed the document with their marks also signed the Pell Indian Deed, it does not appear to be the case as research has not yet revealed an overlap based on spelling variations. The other eight were named Wappamoe, Tuckore, Wawapekock, Cappakas, Quanusecoe, Shequiske, Passacahe, and Harrawocke.
Thereafter, on April 29, 1666, a group of Native Americans led by a "Sagemore" referenced as "Shonarocke" and "Shanarocke" executed an Indian Deed purporting to reaffirm the earlier November 8, 1661 Indian Deed. This time the deed confirmed an earlier grant of land that extended northward into the country sixteen miles from Westchester Path. Once again, it appears that several of the Native Americans who signed the Pell Indian Deed with Shawanórõckquot (i.e., Shonarocke and Shanarocke) also signed this April 29, 1666 confirmation of the earlier November 8, 1661 deed. Below is a list with the names as they appeared on the Pell Indian Deed on the left and the phonetically similar names as they appeared on the November 8, 1661 Rye deed on the right:
Shawanórõckquot Shonarocke and Shanarocke
Cockho Cokoe
Kamaque Romackqua
Poquõrúm Pathung
What may we surmise from an analysis of these so-called "Indian Deeds" and the overlapping signers of these deeds? Given that Shawanórõckquot, who was the first Native American listed as a signatory (by his mark) on the Pell Indian Deed, was indisputably a Wiechquaeskeck Native American and not a supposed "Siwanoy," this may be taken as further evidence that the sale to Thomas Pell was not made by "Siwanoys" as tradition states.
Furthermore, the deeds signed by Shawanórõckquot (and others) and other records of the period seem to offer evidence that contradicts the arguments of many that the supposed group of Native Americans who controlled the lands that became Pelham and extended up the Long Island Coast at least to Connecticut were known as "Siwanoys." Once again, there seem to be no period records that refer to any of the Native Americans who signed these deeds as "Siwanoys" -- only records that refer to Shawanórõckquot as a Wiechquaeskeck sachem. Moreover, the fact that lands encompassed by deeds signed by the Wiechquaeskeck sachem Shawanórõckquot included lands along much of the Long Island coast from the Bronx to Connecticut shows that his proprietorship extended far beyond what some have claimed to be the traditional locations of the Wiechquaeskeck (on the shores of the Harlem River and a large village near the Armonk or Byram River). Indeed, his proprietorship encompassed lands traditionally said to be those of the Siwanoys.
The Indian Deeds also suggest much about the esteem with which Shawanórõckquot was held. In virtually every deed that can be found where Shawanórõckquot signed with his mark, he is always the first Native American listed (although sometimes he is at the top of a right column of names). Moreover, the fact that other Native American "chiefs" in the region insisted that Shawanórõckquot be included in meetings with local Dutch officials shows his importance and the respect he was accorded as a regional Native American leader who appeared at important meetings, gatherings, and deed signings as a representative of the larger group known as "Wiechquaeskecks."
Shawanórõckquot clearly was an impressive, powerful, and influential man who was sufficiently respected, and trusted, by the Native Americans he represented to serve as an important conduit and representative for their dealings with Dutch and English settlers who sought interactions with local Native Americans for a host of reasons during the mid-17th century.
Some have suggested that in his younger days, Shawanórõckquot was a great "warrior chief" who fought the Dutch as Dutch authorities sought to massacre peaceful Native American bands in the lower Hudson River Valley during Kieft's War (1643-1645), also known as the Wappinger War. See, e.g. Smoke Signals, Bound Vols. 7-9, p. 20 (NY, NY: Indian Association of America, 1955) ("Faced with extermination at the hands of the sadistic Gov. Kieft who proceeded to massacre peaceful bands in the lower Hudson River area in 1643, the Mohegans under the famous warrior chief Shanorocke or Shenorock found themselves forced into a wholesale war.").
Additionally, some have argued that there is evidence that Shawanórõckquot had a son who also signed a number of the deeds that he signed named "Rawmaquaie," "Romackqua," and other variants. It is possible that this purported "son" was the Native American who signed (via his mark) the Pell Indian Deed and was referred to in that document as "Kamaque." See, e.g., Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 327 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes) (“RAWMAQUAIE (or Romackqua).—Described as ‘a Sachem’s son,’ and so probably the son of Shonarocke, since he appears in the sale of West Neck, Rye, in 1661, and in the deed of Rye land to John Budd in 1666. He also took part in sales of land in Harrison, 1661-62. His name is given as Romkque in the latter, but is written in the deed Roksohlohker.”). There seems to be no meaningful evidence that this "Rawmaquaie" (perhaps the "Kamaque" referred to in the Pell Indian Deed was, in fact, the son of Shawanórõckquot. There only appears to be a single deed (the April 29, 1666 confirmation of the earlier November 8, 1661 deed, both described above and transcribed below) that refers to this Native American as "a sachem's son" without indicating which sachem. Authors seem to have assumed the father was Shawanórõckquot, an assumption for which there is no supporting evidence.
Clearly on June 27, 1654 when, according to the Pell Indian Deed, "A great multitude off Indyans & many English" gathered for a ceremonial and formal signing of that deed, one of the most important people present was the Native American referenced in the deed as Shawanórõckquot. Today's Historic Pelham Blog Article has been an effort to document a little of the life of that important man.
* * * * *
TEXT OF THOMAS PELL’S COPY OF THE SO-CALLED "PELL INDIAN DEED" WHICH, ACCORDING TO TRADITION, WAS SIGNED BENEATH THE TREATY OAK THAT ONCE STOOD ON THE GROUNDS OF TODAY'S BARTOW-PELL MANSION MUSEUM
(Transcribed from High Resolution Image of the Original by Blake A. Bell)
“Know all men by this present yt we Shawanarockqúot: poquorum: Anhõõke: Wawhãmkus: Mehumõw: Beinge ye true owners & ye only Lawffull Heyres & proprietors off a piece of land Bounded by ye Sea to ye South wth yt Tract off land Called by ye English Longe Island; to ye west & west & by South wth ye bay & River & River Diawockinge Acqueonunge (Chemaqūanaock to ye East) wth all ye Islands yt are in ye salt water to ye South South East & South West Against yt Tract off Land wch is Beffore expresd; wh all trees medowes & all Land wh in ye tract off Land wch is Beffore Expressed: doo sell & deliver to Thos Pell now inhabitinge in Fayrffield his heyres & assignse to hould injoy improove plant as hee shall see cause to his Best to be improved ffor & to him & his heyres fforever wh out any molestation on our pt And doo herby ingage our Selves to make good our selves against all Claymes intayled either by Dutch or Indyans wt ever & doo deliver it into ye posession off ye sayd Thos Pell & his Assignes: markinge ye bounds to ye mayne Land wch is & shalbe ye present bounds to ye mayne Land: only Liberty is ffreely graunt ffor ffeedinge offe cattle & Cuttinge off timber beyound those Bounds; & wee doo Acknowledge to have Reseved in full for it ye trou valew & just Satisfaction Accordinge to our Estimate to wch we sett our hands beffore these wittnesses off English & Indyans this twenty seaventh off June 1654.
English Wittnesses Saggamores (Markes)
Richard Crabb Magistrate +Shawanórõckquot
Thomas Lawrence +Poquõrúm
John Ffinch +Anhõõke
+Wawhamkus
+Mehúmõw
Articles of Agreement
We also as lovinge neighbours & ffriends doo mutually ingage our Selves to send too men off Each yr one Day in ye Springe every yeare to marke ye Bounds of ye Land yt a Right Knowledge may be kept wh out injury to Either side yt Mutuall peace & love may be mayntayned 2nd Wee allso doo promise Each to other if any plotts on either Side yt may be to hurt off Either yt we Seasonably Discover ym as Lovinge Neighbours & friends yt peace & love may be mutually preserved
Indyan Wittnesses
+Marke Cockho
+Mark Kamaque
+Marke Cockinsecawa
This wrightinge was signed & wittnessed Beffore A great multitude off Indyans & many English we who are under written do testify
mark
Henry + Accorly This is A True Coppy off ye
William Newman originall written Thos Pell”
* * * * *
"No Indian name more frequently occurs in the history of the county than that of Wechquaesgeek, nor one the precise location of which there is more difficulty in determining. O'Callaghan says: 'This tract is described as extending from the Hudson to the East river. The name is from wigwos, birch bark, and keag, country -- 'the country of the birch bark.' Bolton gives the name to an Indian village which occupied the site of Dobbs' ferry, which he denominates 'the place of the bark kettle.' In Albany Records, III, 379, is this entry: 'Personally appeared Sauwenare, sachem of Wieckqueskeck, Amenameck his brother, and others, all owners, etc., of lands situated on North river called Wieckquaeskeck, and declared that they had sold the same to Wouter Van Twiller in 1645.'"
Source: Ruttenber, Edward Manning, History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River: Their Origin, Manners and Customs; Tribal and Sub-Tribal Organizations; Wars, Treaties, Etc., Etc., p. 366 (Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1872).
Native American References that May be Relevant to Shawanórõckquot, the "Saggamore" Who Used His Mark to Sign the Pell Indian Deed on June 27, 1654
"Deed from the Indians to the director general and council of New Netherland of land on the North River called Wieckquaeskeck
[134e] On this day, date underwritten, personally appeared Sauwenare, sachem of Wieckqeskeck, Annenameck, his brother [Footnote 1: "1 The contract is canceled and left incomplete. It is not listed in the Calendar of Dutch Manuscripts. 1. Other names left blank.]
all right owners and proprietors of the lands situated on the North river, called Wieckquaeskeck and all the lands appertaining thereto, beginning at [Footnote 2: Blank space.]
being in length along the North river about [blank] miles, and declared before the honorable director general and council of New Netherland and the undersigned witnesses, although the aforesaid lands were by their deceased brother Pechquakor (by the Dutch called Wouter) and other their blood relations delivered over and donated in the year 1645 to the honorable director general and council, that they now approve of and ratify the aforesaid donation and de novo henceforth convey, transfer, cede and surrender to the Hon. Director General Petrus Stuyvesant and the council in New Netherland all their patrimonial right, authority, jurisdiction, ownership and other prerogatives; therefore constituting the said honorable director general and council and their successors in their stead, real and actual possession thereof, giving them full and irrevocable power and authority to enter upon, possess in peace and use the aforesaid land and its appurtenances thereof as they might do with other their lawfully obtained lands, without the said grantors' having, reserving or retaining any more authority over the same in the least, but the said grantors relinquishing the same forever for themselves, their descendants or those whom it might in any way concern, hereby promising to free the aforesaid parcel of land from all claims and incumbrances to be set up or to be made thereto by any one in the world. They further declare that in compensation and in satisfaction of their right they have been fully paid and satisfied before the execution hereof by the honorable director general and council for account of the General Chartered West India Company, chamber of Amsterdam, in cargo goods, as is specified below. All in good faith, without fraud or deceit.
In testimony and token of the truth this is signed by them and the witnesses hereto invited. Actum in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland, the 26th of July A o. 1655. [Footnote 3: "3 The original document is canceled."]
Source: New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch Translated and Annotated by Arnold J. F. Van Laer, Vol. III - Register of the Provincial Secretary, 1648-1660, pp. 413-15 (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1974).
"TREATY OF PEACE RENEWED WITH THE CHIEFS OF MARSEPINGH AND RECHKAWICK (QUEENS COUNTY) HACKINKASAKY (HACKENSACK, N.J.) THE HIGHLANDS, NAJECK (NYACK), STATEN ISLAND, RUMACHENANCK (HAVERSTRAW) AND WIECHQUAESKECK (WESTCHESTER COUNTY).
To-day, the 6th of March 1660 appeared at the City-Hall before the Honorable Director-General in presence of the Council and the Burgomasters of this City the following Sachems or chiefs of the savages in this neighborhood, to-wit:
Meautinnemin, alias Tapousagh, chief of Marsepingh and Rechkawyck,
Oratam, chief of Hackinkasacky for himself and the chief of the Highlands,
Mettano, former chief of Najeck, now chief of Staten-Island,
Corruspin, brother and representative of the chief Rumachenanck alias Haverstroo,
Achkhongh, one of the chiefs or councillors of Wiechquaeskeck.
The aforesaid chiefs were asked, why the other chiefs and especially the chief of the Wappings had not come with them, whereupon Oratamy, chief of the Hackinkasacky, answered that the chief of the Wappings did not come, because he had no dispute with us and that the chief of the Wappings interpreted the return of the child and the presents made to him for it so, as if at that time the treaty of peace had been renewed and consolidated and that he and they altogether were willing to continue the peace formerly concluded.
Whereupon they were answered through the interpreters Claes de Ruyter, Claes de Norman and Waeringh, an Indian understanding and speaking the Dutch and Indian languages.
That we, too, are willing to continue in peace with them and the Wappings under the following conditions:
1.
That Meautinnemin, alias Tapousagh, chief of Marsepingh should be included, because neither he nor his people had ever done much harm to the Dutch and if it should happen, that any harm was done to him or his people, it should be considered as having been done to us.
This having been said to them, they answered that they were well satisfied with it and that they jointly promise to keep the peace, but that they did not speak for the Indians of Esopus nor for the Raretanys, with whom they declared, they would have nothing to do.
2.
To prevent, that no more mishaps or murders should in future take place between our people and them, no Indian should come with his arms into our fort or villages, but they must deliver them at the gate or at the first house of the village or settlement, to which they came and they would be returned to them, when they left. They answered, that this was very good.
3.
Since it has been noticed, that some Dutchmen surround and press hard and occasionally inconvenience the savages, who come here to market with peltries, fish and other wares, they shall, to prevent this, come henceforth to no other places, than to near the former beaver-path and to the neck (hoold) near the weigh-house, except if coming with firewood, with which they may go, where they please. Suitable houses shall be built at the aforesaid places. They were well pleased with this.
4.
That henceforth no war should be commenced for any private action, but if a Dutchman should happen to kill an Indian he shall again be punished with death and if an Indian happened to kill a Dutchman he should be delivered to the Dutch and also be punished with death and if any cattle are killed, they shall be paid for with double their price.
5.
In order that the peace may be the better kept, all the savages, comprised in this treaty, shall be held to assist in the hunting and surrendering a murderer, if such a murderer, be he a Dutchman or a savage, should fly and run away after having committed the murder. The foregoing 4th and 5th points having been communicated to them, they declared themselves perfectly satisfied with it.
6.
Whereas our descendants for many years can see and know what we now talk over with them and conclude, which their descendants cannot do, because they can neither read nor write, it would be good and necessary, that they leave some of their children with us to be educated.
They answered hereto, that they would leave one child here immediately, which they had with them, and would bring more upon some other occasion.
After the foregoing had been agreed upon with them to their satisfaction, they were asked, whether they had anything more to say, whereupon they answered with a counter-question, why Sauwenare was not also present, whereas he was also a chief and their friend. They were told, that on account of some charges made against him, he had been imprisoned, but that he should be brought and released, if the Sachems Tapousagh, Oratam and Mattano and the others would engage themselves, that he or his people should do no more harm to us or to ours or in case it should happen, that they would then deliver the evil-doer into our hands, to which they all answered: Yes.
Sauwenar was brought up and informed of the foregoing, whereupon he answered that he was glad, that the peace was renewede, that his heart would henceforth be that of a Dutchman and he would live with them like a brother. Thus they left satisfied and the Sachems engaged themselves, to inform all their savages and it was made known to the neighboring villages by the firing of a cannon. Done at Amsterdam in N. Netherland, date as above."
Source: Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. XIII, pp. 147-49 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons and Company, 1881).
"PROPOSALS MADE TO SACHEMS OF THE RIVER AND STATEN-ISLAND INDIANS AND THEIR ANSWERS.
On the 10th of July [1663] the following chiefs came summoned by Oratam, the chief of Hackinkesaky, pursuant to the conditions made with him on the 27th of May, to wit: Sauwenaare, chief of Wiechquaeskeck, Metsewackos, chief of Kichtawangh, alias Sleeper's haven. Here follows the proposition made to them and what they answered in the presence of Oratami, the chief of Achkingkesacky, Waerhen Kastangh and several other savages, Sara Kiersteede acting as interpreter.
1. That now about 14 days ago there hd been summoned by us and had also come, the chief of Staten-Island, Matteno, and the chief of Achkingkesaky, Oratam, who had renewed the peace with us and upon that occasion we had requested them to inform, to warn or to ask the other Sachems, that they too should come here and declare, what their opinion was in regard to the troubles with the Esopus savages and whether they would continue the peace with us, so that we might know our friends to distinguish them from our enemies.
They answered hereupon, that they agreed with Oratam and Matteno and that, what Oratam and Matteno had said and promised was as much as if they themselves had said and promised it. They say, that they too are willing to continue at peace with us.
2. That the peace may be kept well, it is necessary, that they should pay no attention whatsoever to the Esopus savages, that they should not allow any of their people to go to them or to the Esopus, that our people could not distinguish the savages and that we should take all the savages found there as enemies, that they must not allow any Esopus savage to come among them, for that would be a cause of war between us and them.
They promise in regard to the second point, that they will not trouble themselves with the Esopus savages and say, if some of their people should go to the Esopus savages, they will not receive them again.
3. They are informed, that we have charged all the farmers in the open country, not to trust any savage, coming with arms, nor to let him come into their places, so that they may not be unexpectedly surprised, as it has happened at the Esopus; they must therefore warn all their savages and all their friends, anot to come armed to our villages; nobody from our side shall come with arms to their settlements, without giving them previous notice and stating, where he wanted to go.
They answered hereupon, that they would act accordingly.
4. Whether they know, what allies the Esopus savages have and who has helped them in this attack.
Oratam answers, that he has not heard yet, that other savages held with the Esopus, except the Menessinghs.
As a sign of our good heart and in confirmation of the renewed peace a coat, a piece of cloth, a shirt and a knife was given to each of the chiefs of Kichtawangh and Wiechquaeskeck; the eleven savages, who had accompanied them including Oratam, the chief of Hackingkesaky, in whose presence the proposals were made, received
Each received a piece of cloth and a knife.
They received these presents thankfully and the aforesaid chiefs were once more warned and requested, to communicate to their savages, that they must not go to the Esopus nor allow an Esopus to hide among them, for it is our intention, to pursue them, wherever they could be found, even if it were way off in the Maquaes' country.
They promise not to allow any savage to hide among them.
After this had taken place, the chiefs complained, that the Dutch sold so much brandy to the savages, that they even carried it into their country.
They were told, that we tried to prevent it as much as possible, but that we could not very well discover it, because the savages would not tell us, from whom they bought and who brought it into their country, also that we had authorized Oratam, the chief of Hackinkesacky, a long time ago, to arrest the Dutchmen, who came into their country to peddle brandy.
Their reply hereto was, that they were cheated by the Dutch, who say, his Honor, the General, was informed of it and had given his consent; that Pieter Wolphertsen had been in their country and showed them a letter saying, it was written therein, that he might go into their country to sell brandy, that he had been there and taken away with him a large quantity (heele nootas) of wampum, whereby their savages were entirely empoverished, for they always wanted it again, if they had had a taste of it.
We listened to them and took it into consideration and then authorized the savages, to arrest all the Dutchmen, who brought brandy into their country and to bring them here in fetters. We promised, that they should have a piece of cloth for a coat besides the brandy, which such persons should carry, and he, who brought in the first, should have two pieces. Thus done at Fort Amsterdam in New-Netherland in the Council-chamber. Date as above."
Source: Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. XIII, pp. 276-77 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons and Company, 1881). See also Vaughan, Alden T., Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and Laws, 1607 - 1789, p. 251 (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 2004).
"This First Purchase on Peningo Neck comprised the lower part of the present town of Rye, on the east side of Blind Brook. From the extreme end of the peninsula proper, or Brown's Point, as it has long been called, this territory extended north as far as the present village of Port Chester. A line of marked trees from east to west was the boundary of this tract, beginning a little below Park's Mill, where a branch of Blind Brook empties into that stream, and running in a southeasterly direction to Byram River.
Nearly six months elapsed before any further step was taken by our planters. They had no intention of settling, as yet, on the land thus acquired upon the main. But east of Peningo Neck, separated from it only by a narrow channel, lay an island about a mile in length, called by the Indians Manussing. This island appears not to have been included in the first purchase. It offered manifest advantages for the commencement of the plantation. On the twenty-ninth day of June, 1660, Peter Disbrow, with John Coe and Thomas Stedwell, concluded a treaty with the Indian proprietors for the purchase of this islande. The deed is as follows: --
'Be it knowen vnto all men whom it may concern both Indians and English that we Shanarockwell sagamore, Maowhobo and Cokensekoo have sold unto Peter Disbro, John Coo, Thomas Studwell, all living at the present at Grenwige, to say a certain parcel of land the parcel of land which these Indians above mentioned have sold is called in the Indian name Peningo. This said island we above mentioned doe here by virtue of this bill doe sell all our right and title unto John Coo, Peter Disbro, Thomas Studwell, quietly to injoy from any molestation of us or any other Indians to them and to their heirs, assigns and executors for ever, and farther we have given unto Peter Disbro John Coo and Thomas Studwell feed for their cattle upon the main called by the Indians Peningo and what timbers or trees that is for their use and not to be molested by us or other Indians: and we doe hereby acknowledge to have received full satisfaction for this purchase of land above mentioned to saya we have received full satisfaction for this purchase of land above mentioned to say we have received eight cotes and seven shirts fiftene fathom of wompone which is the full satisfaction for the parcel of land above mentioned and for the witness we have hereto set our hands.
[Right Column]
SHANAROCKWELL
ARANAQUE
COKOW
WAWATANMAN
COKINSECO
MAOWBERT
QUARAIKO.'
[Left Column]
IPAWAHUN
ARAMAPOE
WONANAO
TOPOGONE
MATISHES
RICHARD
Source: Baird, Charles W., Chronicle of a Border Town -- History of Rye Westchester County, New York 1660-1870 Including Harrison and the White Plains Till 1788, pp. 10-11 (NY, NY: Anson D. F. Randolph and Company, 1871).
"By these two treaties, our settlers acquired the lower half of the present territory of the town, between Blind Brook and the Sound or Byram River; together with the adjoining island of Manussing. Nearly a year after, they bought the land lying farther north, between the same streams. This included considerably more than the present territory of the town. The deed of the purchase is dated May 22, 1661: --
'Be it known to all men whom it may concern both English and Indians that I Cokoe and Marrmeukhong and Affawauwone and Nahtimenman and Shocoke and Wauwhowarnt do acknowledge to have sold to Peter Disbrow, his heirs and assigns, a certain tract of land lying between Byram River and the Blind Brook, which tract of land is bounded as followeth, viz., with the river called in English Byram River beginning at the mouth of the above said river on the east and the bounds of Hsting on the south and southwest to the marked trees, and northward up to the marked trees; which may contain six or seven miles from the sea along the said Byram River side northward, and so from the said river cross the neck northwest and west to the river called the Blind Brook, bounded northward with marked trees whjich leads down to a little brook which runs into the Blind Brook. The which tract of land I Cokoe and the above said Indians our fellows, heirs and assigns, do here promise and make good to the said Peter Disbrow, his heirs or assigns, peaceable and quiet possession for ever without any molestation either from Dutch, Indians or English. We the above said Indians have also sold this tract of land above mentioned with all the trees, grass, springs and minerals, with feed range and timber northward twenty English miles above the said purchase of land; and do acknowledge to have received full satisfaction for the said land. In witness hereof we the above said Indians have set to our hands this present day and date above written.
MARRMEUKHONG his mark
AFFAWAUWONE his mark
NAHTINMEMAN his mark
COKOE his mark'"
Source: Baird, Charles W., Chronicle of a Border Town -- History of Rye Westchester County, New York 1660-1870 Including Harrison and the White Plains Till 1788, pp. 11-12 (NY, NY: Anson D. F. Randolph and Company, 1871).
"The lands west of the Blind brook, called by the Indians Apawamis, are to be distinguished from the rest of the township of Rye as constituting a distinct Patent, called Budd's Neck Patent. This territory, which was 'bounded on the east by Blind brook, on the west by the little stream whose Indian name was Pockcotessewake, since known as Stony brook, or Beaver Meadow brook, and extending northward as far as Westchester Path, and southward to the sea,' was purchased of the native sachem Shanarocke and other Indians by John Budd, of Southhold, Long Island, who now takes the lead instead of Peter Disbrow, the first English grantee, under the sachems of Poningoe.
INDIAN DEED OF APAWAMIS.
To all Christian people, Ingains [i.e., Indians] and others whom it may concern, that we, whose names are hereunto subscribed, living upon Hudson's river, in America, that we, Shanarocke, sagamore, and Rackceate, Napockheast, Tawwheare, Nanderwhere, Tomepawcon, Rawmaquaie, Pawaytahem, Mawmawytom, Howhoranes, Cockkeneco, Tawwayco, Attoemacke, Heattomeas, all Ingains, for divers good causes and considerations us hereunto moving, have fully and absolutely bargained, and doe for ever sell unto John Budd, senior, of Southhole, his heires, executors, &c., all our real right, tittell and interest we or eather of us have in one track of land lying on the mayn, called Apawammeis, buted and bounded on the east with Mockquams river, and on the south with the sea against Long Island, and on the west with Pockcotessec river, and at the north up to the marke trees nyeer Westchester Path, all the lands, trees to fell at his pleasure, with all the grounds, and meadow grounds and planting grounds, moynes and mineraals, springs and rivers, or what else lying or being within the said track of land, and also range, feeding and grasse for cattell, twenty English miles northward into the country, and trees to fell at his or their pleasure, and to their proper use and improvements of the said John Budd, his heirs, executors, &c., for ever to enjoy, possess and keep as their real right, as also peaceably to inherite the sayd track of land with all thereon, and we, the before named Ingains, doe acknowledge and confesse to have received in hand of the said John Budd, the juste sum of eightie pounds sterling in full satisfaction for the aforesaid land with all the limits, bounds and privileges with hegrece and regrece, without lett or molesttion of any one. Now for the more true and reall enjoyment and possession of the said John Budd, his heirs, &c., we doe jointly and severally, us and either of us, or any by and under us, for ever assign and make over by virtue of this, our deed and bill of sale, disclayme any further right in the sayd tract of land from the day of the date hereof, and all and each of us do promise to put the said John Budd or his into quiet, peaceable possession, and him to keep and defend and mayntaine against all person or persons whatsoever that shall directly or indirectly lay any clayme or former grant, or shall trouble or molest the said John Budd or his, be they English or Dutch, or Ingains, or whatsoever. We the aforenamed Ingains doe engage ourselves, heirs, executors, &c., to make good this our obligations as aforesaid. I Shanarocke, Rackeate, Mepockheast, Tawwaheare, Nanderwhere, Tomepawcon, Rawmaquaie, Pawwaytahem, Mawmawytom, Howhoranes, Cockkeneco, Tawwayen, Attoemacke, Heattomees, have hereunto set our hands at tine and ties, and we doe approve of each of our hands to this deed to be good and firm. Witness this our hands this day being the 8th of November, 1661.
Signed, sealed and delivered,
THOMAS REVELL,
JOHN COE,
THOMAS CLOSE,
HUMPHREY HUGES,
The mark of
SHANOROCKE,
NANDERWHERE,
MEPOCKHEAST,
HOWHORANES,
RAWMAQUAIE,
RACKEATE,
PAWWAYTAHEM,
COCKENSECO
Know all men, English and Ingains, that whereas Shanorock sold John Budd all the land from the sea to Westchester path, I Shenorock marked trees by Penning path do hereby give and grant and acknowledge that I have received full satisfaction of him, and according to the true intent of these bounds, he the sayd John Budd is to have and enjoy all the land by the Blind brook to Westchester path, witness my hand.
Witness the mmark of [mark] COKEO.
PETER DISBROW.
THE MARK OF SHANOROCKE,
The mark of REMAQUAIE.
Another deed executed eleventh month, fifth day, 1661, related to the islands in the Sound near the southern extremity of the territory of Apawamis. These were Hen and Pine islands, and the Scotch caps.
Know all men whom this may concern, that I Shenerock, sachem have bargained sold and delivered unto John Budd the islands lying south from the neck of land the sayd John Budd bought of me and other Ingains, and have received full satisfaction of Thomas Close for the said John's use, and doe warrant the sale above written in the presence of Thomas Close and William Jones.
The mark of SHENOROCK, sachem.
Witnesse THOMAS CLOSE,
WILLIAM JONES, his marke,
This transaction was followed, in a few days, by the purchsae of the West Neck, or the tract of land adjoining Budd's Neck, proper, and lying between Stony Brook and Mamaroneck river.
'11 MONTH, TWELFTH DAY, 1661.
Know all men whom this may concern, that I Shenorock, Rawmaqua, Rackeatt, Pawwaytahan, Mawmatoe, Howins, have bargained sold and delivered unto John Budd a neck of land, bounded by a neck of land he bought of me and and other Ingans on the south, and with Merremack river on the west, and with marked trees to the north, with twenty miles for feeding ground for cattle with all the woods, trees, manrodes, meadows and rivers and have received full satisfaction in coats and three score fathom of wompom of Thomas Close for the said John's use, and to engage myself to warrant the sale thereof against all men, English, Dutch and Ingans, and for the faithful performance hereof, I have set my hand in the presence of Thomas Close and William Jones, the day and year above written.
The mark of SHENEROCKE,
RAWMAQUA, his mark.
HOWNIS,
PRAM, his mark,
RAZI, his mark.' [Footnote a: "a Col. Rec. Hartford, vol. i, pp. 833, 834."]
On the second day of June 1662, we found John Budd in company with Peter Disbrow, John Coe and Thomas Studwell, purchasing of the Indians Showannorocot, Romkque and others, a tract of land above the West Chester Path, and west of Blind Brook, or directly north of Budd's Neck. This was the territory of the present town of Harrison, and taken from Rye in 1702.
'Know all men whom this may concern that we Peter Disbrow, John Coe and Thomas Studwell and John Budd have bargained and bought and paid for to the satisfaction of Showannorocot and Roksohtokor and Powataham and other Indians whose names are underwritten a certain tract of land above Westchester Path to the marked trees bounded with the above said river Blind Brook; which tract of land with all the privileges of wood, trees, grass, springs, mines and minerals, to the said Peter Disbrow, John Coe, Thomas Studwell, to them and their heirs for ever; with warrants against all persons, English, Dutch or Indians. To this bargain and sale we the above said Indians do bind ourselves, heirs, and assigns to the bove said Peter Disbrow, John and the rest above said, to them, their heirs and assigns for ever; as witness our hands this present day and date,
June the 2: 1662
SHOWANNOROCOT, his mark
ROMKQUE, hs mark' [Footnote a: "a Baird's Hist. of Rye, p. 15."]
In 1665 John Budd, sen., grants to John Morgan and John Concklin of Flushing, lands situate in Rye upon the south-eastern neck, 'bounded west by Mamaroneck River, east by great rock in a bottom, south with the creek, and north by marked trees'
The next year John Budd obtains a confirmation of the Indian grant of November 8th 1661, of a tract of land extending northward into the country sixteen miles from Westchester Path from the Indian Sachems Shanarocke, Romackqua and Pathung:
SECOND INDIAN DEED OF APAWAMIS.
To all Christian people, Indians and others whom it may concern that wee who's names are hereunto subscribed living upon Hudson's River in America, Shonarocke Sagemore, and Romackqua and Pathung, whereas wee have formerly sold a tract of land unto Mr. John Budd, senior, bounded on the sea by the South, on the North by Westchester path and the name of the tract of land is commonly call Apauamiss, and whereas wee have sold unto the sayd Mr. John Budd twenty English miles northwards from the above said tract, which is called by Apauamis the above said twenty English miles wee doe acknowledge that wee have sold unto Mr. John Budd for range, for feed, for timber, for grasing, to him and his heirs forever, and now wee doe acknowledge that wee have bargained, sold and delivered, wee and every one of us from our Heirs, Executors or Assigns a tract of land lying within the compass of the above sayd twenty English miles bounded on the south by Westchester path and on the East by the Blind Brook and on the West by Mamaraneck River and the north bounds is sixteen miles (English miles) from Westchester path up into the country, for which land we have received already in hand a certaine sume to the value of twenty pounds sterling for the above sayd track of land, for which land we are fully satisfied by the sayd John Budd for the above sayd track of land for the which wee doe acknowledge wee have bargained, sold and delivered unto John Budd and His Heirs forever with warrantie against all men, English, Dutch, and Indians and doe give him full possession and promise so to keep him to the which bargaine and agreement wee have hereunto set our hands this day, being the 29th of April, 1666.
Witness, JOSEPH HORTON,
Witness, JOHN RAWLS,
The mark of COKOE the Indian,
The mark of SHANAROCKE,
The mark of ROMACKQUA,
a sachems Son,
The mark of PATHUNG.
Recorded May 10, 1673, in the public records of ye book ffol 32, pme, Jno. Allyn, secretary [Footnote a: "a Baird's Hist. of Rye, p. 15."] A true copie compared by Edward Colier. [Footnote b: "b New York Col. MSS. Land papers, 1642-1681, vol. I. p. 10, Col. Rec. of Conn., vol. (MS.) p. 324."]"
Source: Bolton, Robert, The History of the Several Towns, Manors, and Patents of the County of Westchester, from its First Settlement to the Present Time Carefully Revised by its Author, Vol. II, pp. 150-53 (NY, NY: Chas. F. Roper, 1881). See also Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. XIII Old Series & Vol. II, New Series, pp. 402-03 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons and Co., 1881); Baird, Charles W., Chronicle of a Border Town -- History of Rye Westchester County, New York 1660-1870 Including Harrison and the White Plains Till 1788, pp. 13-16 (NY, NY: Anson D. F. Randolph and Company, 1871).
"Edward Jessup's new enterprise in Westchester was undertaken conjointly with John Richardson. They purchased of the Indian proprietors a tract of land subsequently called West Farms, and described in the following deed now on record in the office of the Secretary of State at Albany, Book of Deeds, Vol. ii, pp. 58-59.
'WESTCHESTER, March the 12th, 1664.
These may certify whom it may concerne, that wee Shawnerockett, Wappamoe, Tuckore, Wawapekock, Cappakas, Quanusecoe, Shequiske, Passacahe, and Harrawocke have aliened and sold unto Edward Jessup and John Richardson both of the place aforesaid, a certain Tract of land, bounded on the East by the River Aquehung or Bronckx, to the midst of the River, on the Northward by the Trees markt and by a piece of Hassock meadow, westward by a little Brooke called Sackwrahung, Southward by the sea, with a neck of land called Quinnahung, with all the Meadows, Uplands, Trees, and whatever else besides be upon ye said parcell of lands, with all other comodities belonging to the sae, quietly to possesse and enjoy the same from us our heires or successors, to their heirs and successors forever, and for their cattle to range in the Wood so farre as they please, without any Molestation or Infringement, and that this is our true Intent and Meaning, Wee have sett to our hands, the day and yeare above written.
Signed in presence of
EDWARD WATERS,
RICHARD PONSON,
NATHAN BAILY.
SHAWNEROCKETT,
WAPPAMOE,
TUCKORE,
WAWAPERKOCK,
CAPPAKAS,
QUANUSCOE,
SHAQUISKE,
PASSACAHEM,
HARRAWOCKE.
Their marks were set to.
March the 12th, 1664.
I Shawnerockett in the name and behalfe of the rest doe acknowledge to have received of Edward Jessup and John Richardson full satisfaction for this Tract of Land in thee Bill specified.
Witnesse
EDWARD WATERS,
RICHARD PONSON,
NATHAN BAILY.
SHAWNEROCKETT,
His market."
Source: Jesup, Henry Griswold, Edward Jessup of West Farms, Westchester Co., New York, and His Descendants, With an Introduction and an Appendix: The Latter Containing Records of Other American Families of the Name, With Some Additional Memoranda, pp. 53-54 (Cambridge: Privately Printed by John Wilson and Son, 1887). Note that Robert Bolton published a slightly different transcription of this Indian Deed in the 2nd edition of his History of Westchester County published in 1881. See Bolton, Robert, The History of the Several Towns, Manors, and Patents of the County of Westchester, from its First Settlement to the Present Time Carefully Revised by its Author, Vol. II, pp. 433-34 (NY, NY: Chas. F. Roper, 1881).
"At a Councell &c: Fort James.
ffeb ry. 24th. 1670.
Present
The Governo r.
Mr Mayo r.
Mr. Steenwijck
The Secretary.
The first Busyness under Consideracon was the Indyans about Wicjerscreeke. [Footnote 2: "2 A corruption for an Indian place-name of which there are many orthographies, but preferably Wickquaskeck or Weckquaeskeck. It was the name applied to the territorial jurisdiction of a clan of Indians in Westchester County, whose principal village was on the headwaters or tributaries of Armonck or Byram's River. -- Ruttenber. Indian Geographical Names, pp. 24-25, in 'Proceedings' of New York State Hist. Association, vol. 6; Beauchamp. Aboriginal Place Names of New York. Albany, 1907, p. 256."]
The Indyans desire that ye Governo r. would bee well satisfyed, who are the reall Proprietors. of Wijckerscreeke before hee buyes the Land; They say they are the Men, & will bee ready to sell the Land to the Governor.
[45] The Names of ye Proprietors. as they say, are -- present. --
Ramaque -- Janorockets Bro: by ye Moth rs. side.
Pewachtan
Nondiackwhare
Careckonde
Coharnes
Kewechtahem
Pethung
Macmawito
Amanequun
10. Sackapreme.
Cakensickten
Pemeckenwerecak
Nemandamyn
Perawescamen
Shapham
Quinonckak
Ermachorne
Peppham
Mawohondt
Tomeackak
Tawotene
Nanaquene
13. Chusquauchaw [Footnote 1: "1 The great variation of Indian names in the records, due to phonetic representation, is often appalling. For example, we find above in the minutes 'Janorocket;' in Deeds, vol. 3, p. 37, 'Jano Rockett;' an Indian deed to Edward Jessup and John Richardson, March 12, 1664/65, in Deeds, vol. 2, pp. 58-59, calls him 'Shawnerockett,' whilst Bolton, History of the County of Westchester (1881 edition), vol. 2, p. 361, names him Shanarocke or Shanarockwell, sagamore of Poningoe. These are by no means the only forms given for this Indian."]
N: Bene. Taponque an Indyan pres t. saith hee hath Land between Neperan [Footnote 2: "2 Sawmill Creek, Westchester County. There are many corrupt forms of the Indian name, as Nepera, Neperan, Neperhan, Neppiran, Niperan, etc. See Ruttenber. Indian Geographical Names, p. 23, in 'Proceedings' of N. Y. State Hist. Ass'n, vol. 6; Beauchamp. Aboriginal Place Names of New York, p. 249. The name was also applied as Nepperhaem, to Vander Docnck's patent of Colen Donck (Yonkers)."] and Wickerscreeke.
They are to consult about ye price they demand altogether; It's in the Paper No. I. . . ."
Source: "Minutes of the Executive Council" in Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York -- One Hundred and Thirty-Third Session, Vol. XXXIII, No. 67, Part 1, pp. 70-71 (Albany, NY: J. B. Lyon, 1910).
* * * * *
Other Secondary Source Native American References that May be Relevant to Shawanórõckquot, the "Saggamore" Who Used His Mark to Sign the Pell Indian Deed on June 27, 1654
“SHONAROCKE.—The sachem of Rye, a chief of extensive authority, whose signature was required in all deeds for lands covering the townships of Rye and Harrison. His first sale was that of 1660, of Manursing island, which may have been his home; but this was followed by others covering Rye and Harrison, in 1660-62. He may have removed after these sales, as he appeared at Westchester the following year, when he joined with Reckgawawanc chiefs and others in the sale of the West Farms tract on the western side of Bronx river. His name appears to have afforded the legal scribes much difficulty, for it is rarely spelled uniformly, appearing as Shenorock, Shonearockite, Shanarockwell, and even as Shuwannorocot and Showannorocott. As the deed to Mamaroneck in 1666 was not signed by him, he would appear to have been succeeded in his home locality by Wompoquem, and later by Patthunk.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 328 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes).
“Siwanoy Sales.—In 1660, Shonarocke, the sachem of Poningo (the present Rye [29]) sold the island of Manursing and the shorefront between Byram river and Blind river, and the following year disposed of the promontory between Blind river and Mamaroneck river, the latter including the inland territory for sixteen miles. These sales covered not only the townships of Rye and part of Harrison, but extended far into the possessions of other chieftains in North Castle and even into New Castle. The authority of Shonarock was extensive, as we find by his appearance in the sale of West Farms in 1663. In these sales he was joined by other Indians named Cokow and Aranaque, and in an additional deed of 1661 the former was associated with Maramaking, or Lame Will, a sachem who controlled the upland territory in Harrison.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 251-52 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes).
“Lastly we come to the West Farms and Hunts Point deed of 1663, which is signed, as already mentioned, by Shonarocke, sachem of Rye. This property extended beyond Bronx river, which in the uplands was the eastern boundary of the Siwanoy lands. The tract included in the sale extended westwardly to a brook called ‘Sackwrahung,’ and thus encroached on Reckgawawanc territory. We thus find two of the Reckgawawanc who owned land in Harlem taking part in this sale, one being Tackerew, the sachem of Fordham. The western boundary of this deal was disputed at a later date by Lewis Morris, who said that the name of the brook by which it was bounded at the northwest should have been ‘Wigwam brook,’ at Barretto point, and he ultimately established his contention and extended his manor to that point.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 258-59 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes).
“RAWMAQUAIE (or Romackqua).—Described as ‘a Sachem’s son,’ and so probably the son of Shonarocke, since he appears in the sale of West Neck, Rye, in 1661, and in the deed of Rye land to John Budd in 1666. He also took part in sales of land in Harrison, 1661-62. His name is given as Romkque in the latter, but is written in the deed Roksohlohker.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 327 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes).
“MANURSING. An island station of an independent chieftaincy of the Siwanoy under the sachem Shonarocke of Rye.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 309 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes). “WOMPOQUEUM (or Wappoqueem).—A sachem who sold the area of the township of Mamaroneck, in 1666, including upland territory for many miles into the interior of Westchester county. He appears to have succeeded Shonarocke of Poningoe (Rye) in authority.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 330 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes).
“COKOE (probably meaning ‘The Owl’).—A Siwanoy of Rye, who took part in a number of sales of territory, connecting the relations of the Shore natives with those of the interior. Thus he appears with chief Shonarocke in the sale of Rye and Manursing island, with Lame Will in the deeds for the Harrison tracts, and as Cokee the Indian he was witness to a confirmatory deed in 1666 in the presence of his old chief as well as chief Patthunk, and the same year with Wompoquem in the sale of Mamaroneck with its interior territory.” Bolton, Reginald Pelham, New York City in Indian Possession in INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 219, 323 (NY, NY: Museum of The American Indian Heye Foundation 1920) (One of A Series of Publications Relating to the American Aborignes).
* * * * *
"SHENOROCK (Westchester County). The hamlet of Shenorock is currently located on the banks of Lake Shenorock at the north end of the Amawalk Reservoir (see above). Developers established the Lake Shenorock Corporation in 1930. Company managers took the name from the pages of Robert Bolton's history (1881 2:150-152), which noted a sachem identified as Shenorock in three Indian deeds to land in the area signed between November 8, 1661, and January 12, 1662. Shenorock, also documented as Shanorocket and Shanorockwell, was Sauwenaroque, a prominent local Indian leader who took part in land sales in and around today's Westchester County between 1636 and 1666. A similar -rocket suffix added to another anglicized spelling of a Delaware personal name, this one of a leader variously identified as Sukkurrus and Wassakarois, occures in the form of Sockorockets Ditch (see below in the state of Delaware)."
Source: Grumet, Robert S., Beyond Manhattan: A Gazetteer of Delaware Indian History Reflected in Modern-Day Place Names -- New York State Museum Record 5, p. 29 (Printed in U.S.A.: N.Y. State Education Dep't, 2014). See also Grumet, Robert S., Manhattan to Minisink: American Indian Place Names in Greater New York and Vicinity, p. 158 (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013).
Archive of the Historic Pelham Web Site.
Home Page of the Historic Pelham Blog.
Order a Copy of "The Haunted History of Pelham, New York"
Order a Copy of "Thomas Pell and the Legend of the Pell Treaty Oak."Labels: 1643, 1645, 1654, 1655, 1660, 1661, 1662, 1663, 1666, Native Americans, Pell Treaty, Shawanórõckquot, Siwanoys, Thomas Pell, Wiechquaeskecks
