17th Century Map of New Netherland Referencing Wiechquaeskecks in Pelham Region

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Sometime between 1654 and 1658 -- the precise date remains a mystery -- Arnold Colom of Amsterdam published a monumental sea atlas of the world.  Colom's "Zee Atlas" included what is believed to be the earliest Dutch sea chart of the New Netherlands.  Noted map authority Barry Lawrence Ruderman notes that "Jacob Theunisz Lootsman's chart is believed to pre-date it, but seems not to have been regularly published until later."  

Colom was a son of Jacob Colom, an Amsterdam printer, chart-maker, and bookseller.  Arnold Colom's sea chart of New Netherlands is "extremely rare on the market" according to Mr. Ruderman and sold most recently in a Swann Galleries auction on June 2, 2011 for $33,600.  A high resolution image of the map appears immediately below.

Colom, Arnold, “Pascaarte van Nieu Nederlandt uytgegeven door”

(Amsterdam, ca. 1656) (25.5 x 22 inches; hand-colored).  Source:

Ruderman, Barry Lawrence, Antique Maps Inc., Stock # 46535

(visited 24 Apr 2019).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

Arnold Colom's sea chart of New Netherlands is significant for reasons other than its status as the first (or one of the first) such sea charts of the region.  Indeed, it depicts the region including today's Pelham and purports to label Natives in the New Netherland region.  It references "Manhattans," "Wickugick," and -- somewhat distant from Pelham and in the center of Long Island Sound -- "Siwanoys." 

Once again, like so many other 17th century Dutch maps of the region, this map seems merely to copy earlier references to supposed "Siwanoy" Natives in the region and places them distant from today's Pelham.  The map references "Wickugick" Natives (i.e., Wiechquaeskeck" Natives) near Pelham -- a group that, unlike "Siwanoys" is a group of Natives constantly referenced by that name in 17th century documents.

Detail from Colom, Arnold, “Pascaarte van Nieu Nederlandt

uytgegeven door” (Amsterdam, ca. 1656) (25.5 x 22 inches;

hand-colored).  Source:  Ruderman, Barry Lawrence, Antique

Maps Inc., Stock # 46535 (visited 24 Apr 2019).  NOTE:

Click on Image to Enlarge.

According to Barry Lawrence Ruderman, owner of Antique Maps Inc., this significant map may be the first sea chart of the New Netherlands (which included the region of today's Pelham).  Mr. Ruderman states, in part:

"Colom's sea chart is a landmark in the mapping of the region, depicting in a large scale the regions extending from the Dutch New Netherlands and New England in the north to South Carolina. 

Called by Koeman "the first sea chart of the New Netherlands," Colom's chart is both highly important and exceptionally rare. Along with Theunis Jacobsz' circa 1650 sea chart of the area from Nova Scotia to the Outer Banks, it is one of the two earliest sea charts showing the significant improvements resulting from the Dutch exploration and occupation of the region. Colom's map, which is the more focused of the two maps and constructed on a much larger scale than the Theunisz, is by far the more accurate of the two charts, drawing on Visscher's highly important Novii Begli, first published circa 1655. Burden observes that the Colom draws information from both Janssonius's Belgii Novi . . . map of 1651 and the first state of Visscher's significantly updated map, noting that: 

"The Delaware Bay and River and much improved . . . as is the area between Chesapeake Bay and the Outer Banks. Curiously two Jamestowns are depicted, one at the entrance to Chesapeake Bay. Remnants of [information Burden believes to have been derived from Jacobsz] survives such as the use of Bloemers kil on the west bank of Delaware Bay. There is no recognition of the Dutch victory over the Swedish colonies here. Long Island is one unified island,as Janssonius had depicted it, although like other areas of the map, it shows independent sources. A few English settlements are noted, such as Stamfoort and Nieuwer haven, but none appear in the Connecticut River Valley, only the Dutch fort of De Hoop. One large improvement . . . is the recognition of Boston as one of the three most important towns on that coast. It is not present on the Jacobsz, Janssonius or Visscher maps. 

The dating of the map has always been a mystery. In his monumental catalog of 1887, the legendary Dutch book and map seller, Frederik Muller & Cie, identified the Colom's map had being published in 1640 (item 902), while Stokes in The Iconography of Manhattan Island dated the charts as "before 1653?." Burden identifies 3 states of the map, each of which is extremely rare. Burden describes the map dated 1656 as the first state of the map, with subsequent states lacking the date. The second state includes the page number 13 in the bottom right corner, whereas the third state is number page 13."

Source:  Ruderman, Barry Lawrence, "The First Sea Chart of the New Netherlands" in Antique Maps Inc.:  Colom, Arnold, “Pascaarte van Nieu Nederlandt uytgegeven door” (Amsterdam, ca. 1656) (25.5 x 22 inches; hand-colored; Stock # 46535) (visited 24 Apr 2019).

Today's Historic Pelham article is another in a series intended to analyze 17th century maps that depict the Pelham region.  For examples of earlier such analyses, see:

Tue., Aug. 28, 2018: Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region.

Thu., Apr. 18, 2019:  More Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region and Local Native Americans.

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More Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region and Local Native Americans

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The Historic Pelham Blog has begun a series of articles intended to analyze 17th century maps that depict the Pelham region.  See Tue., Aug. 28, 2018:  Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region.  Today's Historic Pelham Blog article continues that series with details from relevant additional 17th century maps and brief descriptions of the significance of each such detail.

Detail from "Pas caarte van Nieu Nederlandt uytgegeven door Arnold

Colom"  Ca. 1656.  By Mapmaker Arnold Colom.  Source:  "Pas caarte

van Nieu Nederlandt uytgegeven door Arnold Colom," John Carter Brown

Library Map Collection, Accession No. C-0113, File Name C-0113-000,

Call No. Cabinet Cc656 /2.1 (visited Aug. 18, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on

Image to Enlarge.

Like the Adriaen van der Donck map published in 1656, this map by Arnold Colom also prepared in about 1656 is fascinating in many respects important to Pelham history.  For example, like the van der Donck map of about the same time, this Colom map references "Siwanoys."  However, the Colom map places the reference in an entirely different location - - in the middle of Long Island Sound quite a distance east of Pelham nearing the eastern end of Long Island.

The placement of "Siwanoys" on this map is interesting when considered in the context of arguments by some scholars and Lenape linguists that the term "Siwanoy" is a combined reference to "Sewan" (i.e., "wampum") and "oy" (i.e., "people") and meant "makers of wampum."  See, e.g., Buckland, John Alexander, The First Traders on Wall Street: The Wiechquaeskeck Indians of Southwestern Connecticut in the Seventeenth Century, p. xiii (Westminster, MD: Heritage Books, 2009).  The shores of Long Island Sound were known to be an active wampum-manufacturing region.  Placing the reference in the Sound on the Colom map would suggest a reference intended to encompass shores on both sides of the reference and, arguably, would be consistent with the argument that the term "Siwanoy" was intended by Natives as a descriptive term rather than a name intended to identify a specific Native group or people.

The Colom map also shows a reference to "Wickagick" Natives much closer to the Pelham region (clearly a reference to Wiechquaeskecks).  However, the map seems to show the Natives known as "Manhattans" as located not only on today's Manhattan Island, but also along the shoreline and in the region that includes today's Pelham.  The "Wickagick" seem to be shown as located northwest of the Pelham region.  

As noted in the recent discussion of other 17th century maps that depict the Pelham region, "It is known that the Manhattans of the Island of Manhattan and the Wiechquaeskecks of the Bronx and lower Westchester County, both Lenape groups that spoke the Munsee dialect, were close and communicated and traded with one another via a significant trail that became Broadway and Old Boston Post Road. However, most modern scholars agree that the Manhattans populated the Island of Manhattan while the Wiechquaeskecks populated much of the Bronx, Westchester County, and even southwestern Connecticut."

Detail from “Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ : nec non parties Virginiæ

tabula multis in locis emendate / per Nicolaum Visscher nunc apud

Petr. Schenk Iun.”  1656.  Mapmaker Nicolaes Visscher.  Source:

“Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ : nec non parties Virginiæ tabula multis

in locis emendate / per Nicolaum Visscher nunc apud Petr. Schenk Iun.”

(1656) via Barry Lawrence Ruderman Antique Maps Inc. (visited Aug.

25, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

The detail above is from the earliest obtainable state of the well-known 17th Century map by Nicolaes Visscher that was largely based on a map published by Joannes Janssonius in 1651 (which itself borrowed heavily from a 1635 map by Willem Janszoon Blaeu).  There are many later editions of the Visscher Map.  It is entitled “Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ : nec non parties Virginiæ tabula multis in locis emendate / per Nicolaum Visscher nunc apud Petr. Schenk Iun.” That map contains a reference to the area that the Dutch knew as “Freelandt” (also Vreelant, Vreedlant and Vreedlandt) – where Englishmen sponsored by Thomas Pell settled near an area known today as Westchester Square in the Bronx – as well as a reference to “Siwanoys” in an area roughly north of today's Stamford, Connecticut. The map detail immediately below shows "Siwanoys" referenced in nearly the center of the detail in an area north of what is referenced as "Stamfort."  To the left (west) of the "Siwanoys" reference is a reference to the "Wickquaskeck" Natives.  The map purports to show the Manhattans not only on Manhattan Island, but also across much of the area that later became Pelham and Pelham Bay Park.  In the "Oost Rivier" (Long Island Sound) there are many islands depicted off the mainland shores of Freelandt, but the "Archipelago" reference in Long Island Sound appears in this map far east of today's Pelham. 

Detail from "A Map of New England and New York" from the 1676

Edition of Speed's Prospect of the World by John Speed.  Published

in London and Hand Colored, 20 x 15.5 Inches.  Source:  Barry Lawrence

Ruderman, Antique Maps, Inc., Digitized Image of Speed, John, "A

Map of New England and New York" in Speed's Prospect of the World,

(London, 1676) (Stock No. 50585; visited Apr. 18, 2019).  NOTE:

Click on Image to Enlarge.

The detail above is from an example of John Speed's Map of New England and New York from his 1676 edition of Speed's Prospect of the World published in London.  According to Barry Lawrence Ruderman of Antique Maps, Inc.:

"Speed's map is one of the earliest maps to illustrate dramatic shift from Dutch to English dominance in the Northeast in the latter part of the 17th Century and one of the earliest to use the term New York for both Manhattan (formerly New Amsterdam) and New York State, as well as one of the earliest appearances of New Iarsey (Jersey). As noted by Michael Buehler, Speed's map shares the traits of many other regional maps of the period: a haphazard depiction of the St. Lawrence, no sign of Lake Ontario, Lake Champlain offset far to the East of its actual location, Cape Cod at essentially the same latitude as New York City, and the Delaware River curving eastward to connect with the Hudson. Many of these errors can be traced far back to early 17th-century prototype maps by Samuel Champlain, Adrien Block and others. One of only a small group of English maps of New England, prior to 1700. Based on Jansson's [Janssonius's] map of 1651, it illustrates the territories acquired by the British with the capture of New Amsterdam in 1664, which radically adjusted the landscape of North American politics. While the map's geographical features are largely drawn from Jansson, the map's nomenclature is substantially anglicized, including the first appearance of the name Boston (omitted from the Jansson maps), and the use of the names New York and Cape Cod."

This detail reproduces from Jansson's map of 1651 references "Siwanoys" in nearly the center of the detail in an area north of what is referenced as "Stanford."  To the left (west) of the "Siwanoys" reference is a reference to the "Wickquaskeck" Natives.  The map purports to show the Manhattans not only on Manhattan Island, but also across much of the area that later became Pelham and Pelham Bay Park.  This detail, like several above, strongly supports the theory that references to "Siwanoys" were simply copied from earlier maps rather than through any form of meaningful independent confirmation.

Continued analysis of such 17th century map details continues to support the theory, now based on rather extensive 17th century primary sources, that there were no local Native Americans in the Pelham region properly known as "Siwanoys" during the 17th century.  Rather, according to much recently-assembled evidence, at the time Thomas Pell bought the lands that became Pelham on June 27, 1654 and for decades thereafter, the Native Americans that populated the Pelham region near the shores of Long Island Sound were referenced as "Wiechquaeskecks."  See Wed., Jan. 29, 2014:  There Were No Native Americans Known as Siwanoys.  See also Thu., Aug. 09, 2018:  Evidence that the Most Famous Native in Pelham History Was a Wiechquaeskeck, Not a "Siwanoy."

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Evidence Suggesting the Pelham Legend of Wampage Murdering Anne Hutchinson Then Changing His Name Is Untrue

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One of the local Natives who signed the Pell Deed on June 27, 1654 (Julian Calendar) was a Native referenced in the document as "Anhõõke."  Many legends have arisen regarding Anhõõke.  

Anhõõke has been described as a famed Siwanoy warrior who murdered Anne Hutchinson in 1643.  At the time he supposedly was known as "Wampage" and allegedly took the name "Anhõõke" to pay homage to his notorious deed of murdering Anne Hutchinson by adopting a version of her name.  Today's Historic Pelham Blog article presents evidence to dispel this legend in an attempt to reveal it for what it is:  an apocryphal piece of fiction with no basis in fact.  Indeed, it appears that Wampage was an Algonquian Patriot and that Anhõõke was an entirely different Native. 

This fanciful story can be traced back to Robert Bolton, Jr.  In his history of Westchester County first published in 1848 and reissued in a second edition (1881) and a third edition (1905), Robert Bolton, Jr. seems to be the first author to claim in print that Anhõõke and Wampage were one and the same.  Bolton wrote: 

"The residence of Anne Hutchinson appears to have been situated on Pelham neck [sic; it was near today's Co-op City Complex], formerly called Ann's hoeck, literally, Ann's point or neck, hoeck being a Dutch name for a neck or point, for, up to a very late period, her farm was distinguished as the Manor of Anne hooks neck. A small stream that separates this town from Eastchester on the west still retains her surname Hutchinson's river. One of the principal Indian proprietors of this territory also assumed her christian surname, as we find it recorded in the early deeds, Ann-hoock alias Wampage. This individual may have taken an active part in the destruction of Mrs. Hutchinson, for nothing was more common among the Indians than for a warrior to assume the name of his victim." 

Source:  Bolton, Jr., Robert, A History of the County of Westchester From its First Settlement to the Present Time, Vol. 1, p. 515 (NY, NY: Alexander S. Gould 1848). 

Other historians have questioned portions of this fanciful legend.  See, e.g., Ultan, Lloyd, The Bronx in the Frontier Era, p. 196 (Bronx, NY: Bronx Historical Society 1994) ("Wampage was also known as Ann-Hooke. Several authors assume that he was the man who killed Anne Hutchinson and took her name. Without documentary evidence, this must remain speculation.").  What follows is evidence that the Pelham legend of Wampage changing his name to Anhõõke after murdering Anne Hutchinson is untrue.

In mid-September, 1656 (about September 17, 1656, Julian Calendar), the Commissioners for the United Colonies of New England met in "New Plymouth."  The Commission was a confederation among the colonies of Connecticut, New Haven, Massachusetts, and Plymouth established to enhance protections against attacks by Natives in the region.  There were two Commissioners from each of the colonies with at least six votes required to approve any decision by the Commission.  

The Commission met periodically to address and, when possible, resolve disputes over trade, boundaries, and religion.  Its decisions were merely advisory with the political authorities of each of the colonies retaining sovereignty and authority to make final decisions.  Consequently, the Commission had little weight or influence and was dissolved in 1684.  

During the Commission's meeting in mid-September, 1656, the Commissioners had to deal with, among other things, a dispute arising among Natives over who was responsible -- and, thus, likely to be held accountable -- for the recent murder of several English settlers. Oddly, the issue arose after a separate complaint by Natives was referred to the Commission claiming that a Montauk Sachem had hired "a witch" to murder famed Mohegan Sachem Uncas.   

The Montauk Sachem appeared before the Commissioners and denied any such plot to hire anyone to kill Uncas.  During the meeting, however, another local Native described as "a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian" asserted to the Commissioners that he had evidence that the Montauk Sachem was responsible for the recent murders of the English settlers.  The Narragansett claimed that he and others had heard a Native who "lived under" the Montauk Sachem confess that he was hired to commit the murders in exchange for a payment of one hundred fathoms of wampum paid through an English settler named Eaton.  The Narragansett provided the name of the hired assassin.  It was "Wampeage" (also referenced in the record as "Wampeag").

Wampage was not present to address the accusation.  As the Commissioners looked into the matter, the "bold and cunning" Narragansett's story fell apart.  The final straw was when the Commissioners had Eaton testify and he denied ever seeing Wampage or ever even possessing one hundred fathom of Wampum.  The pertinent excerpt of the record states:

"Notice whereof being giuen to the said Montackett Sachem and hee Required to attend the Comissioners att this meeting att Plymouth  The said Sachem with fiue of his men came over from longe Iland towards the latter end of Augut in Captaine Younges Barque whoe was to cary the Newhauen Comissioners to Plymouth but the Wind being contrary they first putt in att Milford  The Sachem then desiring to Improve the season sent to speak with Ausuntawey or any of the westeren Indians to see whoe or what could bee charged vpon him but none came but such as professed they had nothing against him:  The Comissioners being mett att Plymouth; The said Sachem presented himselfe to answare but neither Ninegrett nor Vncas nor the Milford Sachem appeared, onely Newcom a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian sent by Ninnegrett as his Messenger or deputy charged the long Iland Sachem first with the murther of Mr. Drake and other Englishmen affeirming that one Wampeag had before seuerall Indians confessed that hee liueing vnder the Montackett Sachem did it being thervnto hiered by the said Sachem which the said Sachem absolutly deneyinge and capt:  Young professing that both English and Indians in those partes thought him Innocent; Necom was asked why himselfe from Ninnegrett haueing layed such charges vpon the long Iland Sachem before the Massachusetts court hee had not brought his proffe; hee answared that wampeage was absent but some other Indians were present whoe could speake to the case; whervpon an Indian afeirmed that he had heard the said wampeage confesse that being hiered as above hee had murthered the said English men; though after the said murther with himselfe that now spake the Muntackett Sachem and some other Indians being att Newhauen hee deneyed itt to Mr. Goodyer and one hundred fathome of Wampam being tendered and deliuered to Mr. Eaton the matter ended; Mr. Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam  Nor did hee believe that any at all was tendered him; whervpon the Comissioners caled to the Indian for proffe Mr. Eaton being present and deneying it the Indian answared there were two other Indians present that could speake to it; they were were called forth but both of them professed that though themselues and som other Indians were then att Newhauen yett the former afeirmin Indian was not there and that there was noe wampam att all either Receiued or tendered; so that the long Iland Sachem for what yett appeerec stood free from this foule Charge".

Care is warranted in considering this 17th century record in the context it is here presented.  In the 17th century, there was a group of Natives known as Wampanoags that consisted of a loose confederacy of several tribes.  A number of 17th century records refer to the Wampanoags as "Wampeages."  Indeed, in his Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico:  N-Z published in 1912, Frederick Webb Hodge wrote that "Wampeage = Wampanoag."  See  "SYNONYMY" in Hodge, Frederick Webb, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Part 2, pp. 1021, 1169 (Washington, DC: Gov't Printing Office, 1912) (stating "Wampeage = Wampanoag").  Thus, such references must be considered regarding whether they reference a people known as Wampeage or an individual whose name was Wampage (or Wampeage or Wampeag or another phonetically-similar variant).

Admittedly, several of the references in the quote set forth above seem, at best, ambiguous and might be read as referencing a member of the Wampeage people, one of the references does not seem ambiguous at all and seems to make clear that it is the name of the individual.  It is the reference that reads "Mr. Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam."  

Such a reference to "Wampeage" in this 17th century record is significant in the context of Pelham lore.  It arguably shows that two years after Thomas Pell bought lands from local Natives including "Anhõõke" and thirteen years after local Natives murdered Anne Hutchinson and most of her family, Wampage was still being referenced by his name and not by the name "Anhõõke."  This record repeatedly refers to Wampeage and Wampeag without including "alias Anhõõke" (or "Anhõõke alias Wampage") as so often appears in references to Wampage published by local Pelham historians.  Indeed, this 1656 record seems to support the view that Wampage and Anhõõke were entirely different people and that the Native known as Wampage did not change his name due to some now-unknown reputed Native "custom" to change a name to adopt the name of a notable murder victim -- a "custom" for which there also is no known evidence in the region.

In short, the Wiechquaeskeck Saggamore and counselor Anhõõke was neither a "Siwanoy" nor did he change his name from "Wampage" after murdering Anne Hutchinson.  This 17th century record supports the argument that Wampage was an entirely different person.

"Massacre of Anne Hutchinson"

NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

*          *          *          *           *

"A Note of the persons in the Indian worke and theire Sallaries per Annum;

Imprimis Mr. John Elliot.................................50    00    00
Mr. Francis Elliot his Brother.........................30    00    00
Sofaman        }
Momquason   } three Indian Interpreters }....30    00   00
Job                 } Imployed by Mr. Eliott
To Mr. Thomas Mayhew...............................50    00    00
To Peter Forlger Imployed by Mr. Mayhew..30    00    00
Hiacombs     }
                     }  Imployed by Mr. Mayhew.....20    00    00
Panuppaqua }  as Interpreters
Mr. Elliot and Mr. Mayhew to distribute
     to sick Indians.........................................20    00    00
To Mr. Weld for diett and for teaching eight
    Indian boyes and one gerle    }................85    00    00
For clothing the said boys and gerle about.50     00    00
For diett clothing and teaching of John
     the Son of Tho: Stanton whoe spake
     the Indian language well to further
     him for the worke about.........................20    00    00
To Mr. Abraham Person..............................15    00    00
To Mr. Rawson our Agent for his 
     salary and wharfhousrome....................30    00    00

Besides what is usefully expended in gifts and gratuities to well deserving Indians

To Indian plantations in theire beginning in stocke of Cattle and tooles &c Charges about buildings meeting houses and boates and other accidentall Charges and and expences

The yearly vallue is uncertaine and may bee abated or encreased as there shalbee occation

The Sallaries generally end in September the fixt the time of the Comissioners meeting

In answare to a motion made by Mr. Chaunceye Presdedent of the Colledge in a letter dated the 28th august (56) to make use of the Indian Buildings;

The Commissioners are willing that the presedent with the advise of the Commissioners of the Massachusetts and Mr. Elliott may for one year next ensuing Improve the said building to accomodate some English Students provided the said building bee by the Corporation cecured from any dammage that may befall the same through the use thereof

In Answare to a motion made by mr. Elliott in his letter of August 30. 1656 for some agents to bee appointed in the Massachusetts to promote and forward the worke among the Indians; both in Respect of their gouerment and Incurraging meet Instruments for theire further healp and Instruction;

The Commissioners doe conceiue the the said Indians doe belong to the Jurisdiction of the Massachusetts and therfore doe Refer it to the wisdome and care of that Gouernment, and for Incurrageing the Indian worke as wee haue formerly foe att present wee doe Authorise the Comissioners of the Massachusetts whose care and fidelitie wee haue noe cause to suspect to doe or cause to bee done that which in theire Judgments may most conduce to the advancing of the Indian worke;

Whereas it was presented to the Comissioners by Mr. hollihock of Sprinkfeild that Mastiffe Doggs might bee of good use against the Indians in case of any desturabance from them which they Reddily apprehending thought meet to comend the same to the seuerall generall Courts to take care and make provision therof accordingly

Coushawshett and Cushasimmon were continued in theire Respectiue places of gouerning the Pequots for one year Insueing according to the orders and Instructions set downe by the Comissioners the last yeare att Newhauen; and were further ordered to bring in theire Tribute to Tho. Stanton three monthes before the yearly meeting of the Commissioners in September; and vpon theire Information that divers Pequots are stuburne and Redy to mannefest theire disobeidience to the orders of the Commissioners and that theire authoritie is not sufficient to containe them; and therfore did desire they might bee assisted by some English dwelling near them:  The Commisioners haue desired Mr. John Winthorpe Major Mason and Capt: Denison or any of them by theire Counsell or Countenance aiding and asisting to the said deputed Gouernors in the execution of all our orders and Instructions and containing the Pequots in obeidience to the same;

Vpon a complaint made by Ninnegrates messengers to the Generall court of the Massachuetts in May last against the Montackett Sachem for murthering Mr. Drake and some other Englishmen vpon ours near the long Iland shore and seiseing theire goods many yeares since and for Trecherously assaulting Ninnegrett vpon block Iland and killing many of his men after a peace concluded betwixt them certifyed to Newhauen by the Massachusetts Comissioners by a complaint made by Awsuntawey the Indian Sagamore near Milford and two other western Indians against the said Montackett Sachem for hiering a witch to kill Vncas with the said Milford Sachem and his son giueing eight fathom of wampam in hand promising a hundred or an hundred and twenty more when the said murthers were comitted; Notice whereof being giuen to the said Montackett Sachem and hee Required to attend the Comissioners att this meeting att Plymouth  The said Sachem with fiue of his men came over from longe Iland towards the latter end of Augut in Captaine Younges Barque whoe was to cary the Newhauen Comissioners to Plymouth but the Wind being contrary they first putt in att Milford  The Sachem then desiring to Improve the season sent to speak with Ausuntawey or any of the westeren Indians to see whoe or what could bee charged vpon him but none came but such as professed they had nothing against him:  The Comissioners being mett att Plymouth; The said Sachem presented himselfe to answare but neither Ninegrett nor Vncas nor the Milford Sachem appeared, onely Newcom a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian sent by Ninnegrett as his Messenger or deputy charged the long Iland Sachem first with the murther of Mr. Drake and other Englishmen affeirming that one Wampeag had before seuerall Indians confessed that hee liueing vnder the Montackett Sachem did it being thervnto hiered by the said Sachem which the said Sachem absolutly deneyinge and capt:  Young professing that both English and Indians in those partes thought him Innocent; Necom was asked why himselfe from Ninnegrett haueing layed such charges vpon the long Ilsnad Sachem before the Massachusetts court hee had not brought his proffe; hee answared that wampeage was absent but some other Indians were present whoe could speake to the case; whervpon an Indian afeirmed that he had heard the said wampeage confesse that being hiered as above hee had murthered the said English men; though after the said murther with himselfe that now spake the Muntackett Sachem and some other Indians being att Newhauen hee deneyed itt to Mr. Goodyer and one hundred fathome of Wampam being tendered and deliuered to Mr. Eaton the matter ended; Mr. Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam  Nor did hee believe that any at all was tendered him; whervpon the Comissioners caled to the Indian for proffe Mr. Eaton being present and deneying it the Indian answared there were two other Indians present that could speake to it; they were were called forth but both of them professed that though themselues and som other Indians were then att Newhauen yett the former afeirmin Indian was not there and that there was noe wampam att all either Receiued or tendered; so that the long Iland Sachem for what yett appeerec stood free from this foule Charge;

2cond.  The said Newcome charged the Montackett Sachem with breach of Couenant in asaulting Ninnegrett and killing divers of his men att Block Iland after a conclusion of peace the Treaty whereof was begun by a Squaw sent by Ninnigrett to the said Sachem to tender him peace and the prisoners which the said Ninnigrett had taken from the long Iland Sachem vpon condtion the said Sachem did wholly Submitt to him and yeild his countrey to claime  The Montackett Sachem acknowlidged the said message but afeirmed hee Refused to accept the Conditions which hee could not without adviseing with the English whervpon the Squaw Returned and came backe from Ninnigrett with an offer of the prisoners for Ransom of wampame which hee saith hee sent and had his prisoners Releiued Newcome affeirmed the agreement between the said Sachems was made att Pesacus his house by two long Iland Indians Deligates to to [sic] the Montackett Sachem in presence of Pesacus and his brother and others two English men being present one wherof was Robert Westcott; Pesacus his brother testifyed the agreement as abovesaid, The Muntackett Sachem acknowlidged hee sent the said Delligates but neuer heard of any such agreement and deneyed hee gaue any such Comission to his men Newcome afeirming Robert Westcott would Testify the agreement aforsaid and desiring a writing from the Comissioners to Lycence the said Westcott to come and give in his Testimony which was graunted and Newcome departed pretending to fetch Westcott but Returned Not; The Comissioners finding much Difficulty to bring theire thoughts to a certaine Determination on Satisfying grounds yett concidering how Proudly Ninnigrett and how peacably the Monthackett Sachem hath carryed it towards the English ordered that a message the contents whereof heerafter followeth bee by Tho: Stanton deliuered to Ninnigrett; and that for the securitie of the English plantations on long Iland and for an Incurragement to the Montackett Sachem thw two first particulars of the order to hinder Ninnigretts Attempts on long Iland; made last year att Newhauen bee continued; Notwithstanding the said English are Required to Improve those orders with all moderation and not by any Rashnes or vnadvisednes to begin a broile unlesse they bee Nessesitated thervnto;

The Montackett Sachem being questioned by the Comissioners concerning the paiment of his Tribute professed that hee had payed it att hartford for ten yeares but acknowlidged theire was four yeares behind which the Comissioners thought meet to respett in respect of his present Troubles;

Instructions for Thomas Stanton

YOU are to informe Ninnigrett the Nyanticke Sachem that the Commissioners with much patience and in the vse of meanes to them chargable haue minded him of his couenants made in 1645 and by him confeirmed both in the yeare 1647 and 1649 that hee hath Ingaged himselfe not to goe to warr with any of the Indians Subjects to or in frindshp with the English; and that vpon his complaint by his messengers in May last to the honered court of the Massachusetts they sent to the Montackett Sachem to attend theire meeting att Plymouth which accordingly hee hath done; but neither Ninnegrett himselfe came nor hath his messenger beene able to make any proffe of what hee charged soe that the Comissioners not willing to take advantage of some former and some latter Rash and prouoking expressions of Ninnegrett and his messengers doe aduise and expect that for the future hee better attend his Ingagement that hee neither himselfe begin nor procecute any warr first in any hostile Invaysion against the said Montackett Sachem or any others whoe are frinds to the English till first his complaints bee fully heard and ordered by the Comissioners and they shall lay the like charge vpon the Montackett Sachem that hee without further prouocation desturbe not the peace of Ninnigretts or the Nyanticke Indians; 

You are to acquaint the two Narraganssett Sachems of what the Comissioners haue told Mixam that the Comissioners are as reddy to heare theire greivances against Vncas as his against them; they allow not any dareing challenges to fight; nor that hee or any of his should take away from the Narragansett any thinge belonging to them though but a gun; that vpon complaint they haue caused aboue nine fathom of wampum belonging to Vncas to bee deposited in Mr. Thomas Stantons hands till the matter of the gun bee heared and cleared; The Comissioners expect from the Narragansett Sachems that according to theire Couenants made 1645 they neither directly nor indirectly attempt or begine any warr against Vncas or any other Indian or Indians subject to or in frindship with the English nor any that shall begine or proceed in any such warr till first theire hath been a full hearing of all such Differences and vpon Satisfying proffe a determination by the Comissioners with damages ordered to such as haue been wronged; and they shall lay the like charge vpon Vncas not to wrong or any way desturbe the peace of the Narragansetts; 

1.  You are to Informe Vncas of sundry Complaints made against him all tending to desturbe both his owne peace and the peace of the countrey; as that hostile assault made vpon the Poducke Indians near hartford and contrary to the advise giuen him by the Majestrates and court there to Revenge which (wee heare) some Mohegin blood hath been sheed and some captiues taken

2cond.  After an Agreement made and those Captiues Returned Vncas or his brother haue in an hostile manor Invadid the Nowootucke Indians which may draw on mischeivous effects aboue his power to Issue;

3.  That hee seuerall wayes prouoakes the Narragansett Indians obraiding them with theire dead Sachems which hee knowes they cannot beare; somtimes challenging them to fight which is both strange and very offenciue to the Comissioners; and wee heare that Vncas hos son hath taken a gun from a Narragansett Indian which Foxon not deneying hee hath deposited betwixt nine and ten fathom of wampam in Thomas Stantons hands till the question about the gun bee cleared;

4.  After a peace lately made or renewed by the montackett Sachem and a considerable sume of wampam receiued by Vncas hee by Fauxon &c. Chargeth the Montackett Sachem to hier a witch a western Indian to kill Vncas and others about Millford but without any proffe, and the Montackett Sachem bing lately att Milford hath nothing there charged against him; 

5.  Lastly they are informed that Vncas knowes what the English haue done for his defence against Ninnegrett &c. and how proudly and prouockingly Ninnigrett hath since carried towards the English yett he hath made a peace or some agreement with Ninnigrett without the advise or knowlidge of the English all which passages beinge strange and if true very offenciue yett the Comissioners being loth to Neglect or forgitt former freindship and Ingagements they cannot but expect that some conuenient time and place bee appointed to heare and determine these strange passages that both the Comissioners and offended Indians may receiue due Satisfaction and in the mean time that noe further prouocations bee giuen to any of the Indians in freindship with the English much lesse that any challeng bee made or any begining or assistance giuen to any warr without the Comissioners concent the like charge being layed vpon the Narragansetts not to desturbe his peace

Captaine Gorge Denis is desired to be present with and asistance to Thomas Stanton in deliuering the forgoeing messages. . . . ."

Source:  Hazard, Ebenezer, ed., Historical Collections; Consisting of State Papers, And Other Authentic Documents; Intended as Materials for an History of the United States of America, Vol. II, pp. 358-63 (Freeport, NY:  Books for Libraries Press, 1969) reprinted from original 1794 edition).

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Does this 17th Century Colonial Document Reference Natives Named "Siwanoys"?

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I long have argued that there were no local Natives who knew themselves -- or were referenced by others or properly identified -- as "Siwanoys" despite the nearly two-hundred-year-old Pelham tradition to the contrary.  See Wed., Jan. 29, 2014:  There Were No Native Americans Known as Siwanoys; Mon., Aug. 13, 2018:  There Seems To Be Another Early 17th Century Map that References Siwanoys; Mon., Aug. 20, 2018:  A 17th Century Book Reference to "Siwanois" Natives in the Region of Today's Pelham.

One of the bases for this conclusion is the fact that research has not revealed any primary source 16th, 17th, or 18th Dutch or English colonial documents showing that a group of local Natives identified themselves (or were identified by authorities) as a group named "Siwanoys."  Rather, countless such primary source documents (hundreds, if not thousands) identify the local Natives who inhabited the region that became today's Pelham and Pelham Bay Park as "Wiechquaeskecks" (with a variety of spellings).

Yesterday's Historic Pelham Blog article focused on a reference in a book published in the Netherlands in 1625 that stated:  "The natives here are called Siwanois, and dwell along the coast for eight leagues, to the neighborhood of Hellegat."  The article concluded that the un-sourced reference written by a man who never had visited America could not be viewed as actual evidence that local Natives were, in fact, known properly as "Siwanoys."  Indeed, recent scholarship seems to be settling on the suggestion that the term "Siwanoy" was a descriptive term that meant sewan (i.e., wampum) making people ("oy") of this place.  Another alternative seems to be, roughly, people to the south or southerly people.

Today's Historic Pelham article addresses an early 18th century colonial document that makes a reference to Natives known as "Sewonkeegs."  At least one scholar has concluded that the term "Sewonkeeg" was a spelling variant of "Siwanoys."  See "SYNONYMY" in Hodge, Frederick Webb, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Part 2, pp. 1021, 1137 (Washington, DC:  Gov't Printing Office, 1912) (stating "Sewonkeeg = Siwanoy"). 

In January, 1700 (new style), officials of the Colony of Connecticut were concerned about rumors of an "Indian Rising."  There were rumors that Natives well to the north including Mohawks were planning an attack against English settlers in New England.  The Governor of the Colony of Connecticut at the time was Fitz-John Winthrop (known as "John Winthrop" like his father who served as an earlier Governor of the Colony of Connecticut and like his Grandfather who served as an earlier Governor of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay). On January 22, 1699/1700 (old style, the equivalent of February 1, 1700 under the "new style" Gregorian Calendar), Governor Winthrop and a group of military and civilian advisers gathered in New London to meet with a number of local Native sachems and their various "councils."  The purpose of the meeting was to reaffirm earlier peace arrangements with the local Natives and to learn from them what they had heard of the rumors regarding plans by Natives to the north including Mohawks to attack English colonists.

One of the Natives present at the meeting was a Mohegan sachem named "Owaneco."  Owaneco was the eldest son of the Mohegan sachem Uncas.  He was named after Uncas' father, Owaneco.  Owaneco spoke at length during the meeting.  He detailed all rumors his people had heard.  Among those rumors was one that certain "Eastward Indians" including the Mohawks and Nowonthewogs were conspiring to attack English settlers and had sent wampum to "Western Indians" including "the Sewonkeeg" to secure their participation in the plot.  The specific reference contained in the record of the meeting reads, in pertinent part, as follows:

"Likewise he [i.e., Owaneco] informs that about a month since he heard that the Mohawks and the Nowonthewog or the Eastward Indians had combined against the English and that they had agreed to send Wampom to the Sewonkeeg or Western Indians, and that they had sent a girdle of Wampom to the Wapaquasett or New-Roxbury Indians of which he was to have a part; when he heard this news he advised his men to be silent till the belt of Wampom should be brought to him --"

If Frederick Webb Hodge, editor of the Native American Handbook, Part 2, published in 1912 was correct and "Sewonkeeg = Siwanoy," then arguably this early 18th century document would suggest the existence of a band of Natives understood (at least by the sachem Owaneco) as Siwanoys. 

Once again, like the 1625 reference in the book by Johannes De Laet addressed in yesterday's article, this much later 18th century reference to "Sewonkeeg" does not support the existence of  a group of Natives in the region of today's Pelham that were known properly as "Siwanoys."

First, of course, the location of these "Sewonkeegs" is only referenced as "Westward" of the "Eastward Indians" that included the Mohawks and the Nowonthewog.  The "Westward" reference is simply too broad to assume that the actual location was the region that included today's Pelham and Pelham Bay Park.

Second, Frederick Webb Hodge is one of many scholars who seem simply to have assumed the existence of "Siwanoys" (likely due to reliance on the work of others who also assumed their existence) without ever detailing any evidence whatsoever to establish their existence.  

Third, this document is an early 18th century document.  Scholars seem entirely to agree that by the end of the 17th century, years of warfare, periodic epidemics, and waves of settlers who took control of nearly all local land from Natives had forced the Natives (including those who once populated the region that became today's Pelham and Pelham Bay Park) out of the Hudson River Valley.  Thus, there is virtual certainty that the reference to "Sewonkeegs" who were "Westward" of the Mohawks and Nowonthewog could not have been a reference to Natives near the Pelham region.  Admittedly, of course, Native bands were forced elsewhere and this could be a reference to such a band, but the evidence is scant -- and virtually non-existent -- that a substantial band of Siwanoys large enough to be capable of being recruited for an early 18th century attack against English settlers continued to exist (much less continued to exist in this region).

Fourth, spelling variants of most Native references are legion in the early colonial records where scribes simply tried to reproduce in writing the phonetics of such terms.  Thus, it admittedly could be the case that the "Sewonkeeg" reference was a spelling variant of the more common spelling of "Siwanoy."  It must be recognized, however, that whether Siwanoys existed or not, the term "Sewonkeeg" may not be a spelling variant of the term.

Fifth, there are countless 17th century Dutch and English documents that make clear that Natives in the area that became today's Pelham and Pelham Bay Park were referenced as "Wiechquaeskecks" (also with a wide variety of spellings).  Assuming that this record dated January 22, 1699/1700 (old style) referencing ""Sewonkeegs" is actually a reference to "Siwanoys," this single document certainly provides little support for the conclusion that that Natives known as "Siwanoys" once populated the Pelham region and sold their lands to Thomas Pell on June 27, 1654 (old style).

Portrait of Fitz-John Winthrop (Born March 14, 1637; Died

November 27, 1707) Who Served as 24th Governor of the Colony

of Connecticut, 1698-1707.  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

*          *          *          *          *

Transcribed immediately below is the January 22, 1699/1700 (old style) record referenced in today's Historic Pelham Blog article.

"Information respecting a rumored Rising of the Indians.

[New-York Papers, Bundle, H, J, K, K 23, 24, 25.]

The information made by Owaneco Sachem of Monhegan concerning a combination of the Indians to make warr upon the English given to the Gover r & Councill in New London January the 22 1699/1700

PRESENT -- The Honb le  John Winthrop Esq Governour,
Capt n Samuell Mason, 
Capt Dan l Wetherell,
Mr. Rich d Christophes
Mr Nemehiah Smyth, Mr. Nehemah Palmer.

The Indians then attending were (: besides Owaneco Sachem of the Mohegans and divers of his Councill:) Momohans Councill, Scadaub Sachim of a part of the Pequots with his Councill and the Indian Councill of Nihantick. -- 

The interpreters were:  Capt n John Stanton and Lieut t James Avery: -- 

Owaneco being asked what he desired to relate -- Declared:

He remember the covenant made between the Colony and His Father, pursuant to which he had made hast to inform Capt n Mason as soon as he understood any mischief to be designed against the English.

The Hon ble Governour then telling him, that he had sent for him to know and now expected to hear from him:) what he had heard concerning the designe, that as he had heretofore so he might also now shew, how carefull he was, that, that ancient covenant might not be broken.  Owaneco went on and reported as followeth:  That he had news by a Juncks'es Indian call'd Wadungum (: about two months since :) that a Dutchman at Albany had told of the Mohawcks that King William had ordered all the Indians to be cutt off; and that the English and French had letters about it, and that the Dutchman advised the Mohawcks to buy ammunition speedily; because in a little time none would be suffered to sell them any, and sold them presently about twenty barrells of powder -- 

Since which Owaneco informs that he heard that Canada Mohawks were come over to the other, and that they held a great Councill, where the news above mentioned was discoursed -- The Canada Mohawks said they heard the same, wherefore they came over to take Councill with them against the English.  An Indian whose name is Toby formerly belonging to the Indians that live at New Roxbury (: and who had a hand in the killing of one Johnson near the same town in the last war with the Indians, from the English, they might then easily destroy the English; Upon which the Mohawks imployed Toby to carry presents to the Nipmug (: or Wapaquassett) Indians, and to the Mohogans to draw them off from the English and withall to assure the Mohegans that if they would not forsake the English, they would look upon them as Enemies -- 

Likewise he informs that about a month since he heard that the Mohawks and the Nowonthewog or the Eastward Indians had combined against the English and that they had agreed to send Wampom to the Sewonkeeg or Western Indians, and that they had sent a girdle of Wampom to the Wapaquasett or New-Roxbury Indians of which he was to have a part; when he heard this news he advised his men to be silent till the belt of Wampom should be brought to him -- 

About a week after this Owaneco being at Norwich, one Nanaquabin a principal Indian among the Wapaquassetts came to him and asked him to refresh himself with a cup of sider, and gave him at Ensigne Bushnel's a piece of eight and an half, with a shilling which he shewed to Ensigne Bushnell and soon after went out of Norwich; designing home, but when he had got out of Town, a young Indian running after him, overtook him and told him, Nanaquabin was comeing to speak with him, upon which he made a stop until Nanaquabin came up, who then told him that he had a secret to tell him and desired that the Indians that were with him might be sent away which he did, and then Nanaquabin told him, there was a great designe on foot ag st the English, that the Mohawks were concern'd in it; and confirmed the former news which he had heard of the Mohawks, and at the same time Nanaquabin delivered to Owaneco a part of the girdle of Wampom (which he had delivered to Capt n Mason and was by him brought to the Governour and Councill.) which Wampom Nanaquabin told him the Mohawks had sent him and that the Wapaquassett Indians had already received  part of a girdle of Wampom -- He further said that Nanaquabin importuned him very much to keep this matter close, and pressed upon him the danger that would be in discovering it, because the designe was not yet ripe for the Schachkook Indians were gone a hunting to Manadnuck and Winepisseoket and were to meet at Namaschaug a fishing place, where they were to receive orders from the Mohawks when to strike the blow; and perswaded him to withdraw from the English; telling him that whatsoever discovered the plott would be look'd upon as enemies to the combined Indians and made to eat fire -- After this discourse, Nemaquabin asked Owaneco what answer he would returne to the Mohawks; who said he must first ask his Councill; then Owaneco asked Nemaquabin, how the Wapaquassett Indians liked the designe, who said very well, and that they have returned them thanks and a present of twenty five shillings; Then Owaneco asked him how much time he must have to answer them in; who replyed, the sooner the better; but not later then the beginning of the spring; after this discourse they both went to Shatuskett, and stayed there two nights; Owaneco asked Nemaquabin, where he would hunt this winter; who answered at Manadnuck but when Owaneco replyed that Manadnuck was a place of death, because he had received the Wampom; then he said he would go into Philips Country and draw off from the English, the Indians that were in those parts. --"

Source:  O'Callaghan, E.B., ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York; Procured in Holland, England and France, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq., Agent, Vol. IV, pp. 613-15 (Albany, NY:  Weed, Parsons and Co., 1854) (footnotes omitted).

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