More Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region and Local Native Americans

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The Historic Pelham Blog has begun a series of articles intended to analyze 17th century maps that depict the Pelham region.  See Tue., Aug. 28, 2018:  Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region.  Today's Historic Pelham Blog article continues that series with details from relevant additional 17th century maps and brief descriptions of the significance of each such detail.

Detail from "Pas caarte van Nieu Nederlandt uytgegeven door Arnold

Colom"  Ca. 1656.  By Mapmaker Arnold Colom.  Source:  "Pas caarte

van Nieu Nederlandt uytgegeven door Arnold Colom," John Carter Brown

Library Map Collection, Accession No. C-0113, File Name C-0113-000,

Call No. Cabinet Cc656 /2.1 (visited Aug. 18, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on

Image to Enlarge.

Like the Adriaen van der Donck map published in 1656, this map by Arnold Colom also prepared in about 1656 is fascinating in many respects important to Pelham history.  For example, like the van der Donck map of about the same time, this Colom map references "Siwanoys."  However, the Colom map places the reference in an entirely different location - - in the middle of Long Island Sound quite a distance east of Pelham nearing the eastern end of Long Island.

The placement of "Siwanoys" on this map is interesting when considered in the context of arguments by some scholars and Lenape linguists that the term "Siwanoy" is a combined reference to "Sewan" (i.e., "wampum") and "oy" (i.e., "people") and meant "makers of wampum."  See, e.g., Buckland, John Alexander, The First Traders on Wall Street: The Wiechquaeskeck Indians of Southwestern Connecticut in the Seventeenth Century, p. xiii (Westminster, MD: Heritage Books, 2009).  The shores of Long Island Sound were known to be an active wampum-manufacturing region.  Placing the reference in the Sound on the Colom map would suggest a reference intended to encompass shores on both sides of the reference and, arguably, would be consistent with the argument that the term "Siwanoy" was intended by Natives as a descriptive term rather than a name intended to identify a specific Native group or people.

The Colom map also shows a reference to "Wickagick" Natives much closer to the Pelham region (clearly a reference to Wiechquaeskecks).  However, the map seems to show the Natives known as "Manhattans" as located not only on today's Manhattan Island, but also along the shoreline and in the region that includes today's Pelham.  The "Wickagick" seem to be shown as located northwest of the Pelham region.  

As noted in the recent discussion of other 17th century maps that depict the Pelham region, "It is known that the Manhattans of the Island of Manhattan and the Wiechquaeskecks of the Bronx and lower Westchester County, both Lenape groups that spoke the Munsee dialect, were close and communicated and traded with one another via a significant trail that became Broadway and Old Boston Post Road. However, most modern scholars agree that the Manhattans populated the Island of Manhattan while the Wiechquaeskecks populated much of the Bronx, Westchester County, and even southwestern Connecticut."

Detail from “Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ : nec non parties Virginiæ

tabula multis in locis emendate / per Nicolaum Visscher nunc apud

Petr. Schenk Iun.”  1656.  Mapmaker Nicolaes Visscher.  Source:

“Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ : nec non parties Virginiæ tabula multis

in locis emendate / per Nicolaum Visscher nunc apud Petr. Schenk Iun.”

(1656) via Barry Lawrence Ruderman Antique Maps Inc. (visited Aug.

25, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

The detail above is from the earliest obtainable state of the well-known 17th Century map by Nicolaes Visscher that was largely based on a map published by Joannes Janssonius in 1651 (which itself borrowed heavily from a 1635 map by Willem Janszoon Blaeu).  There are many later editions of the Visscher Map.  It is entitled “Novi Belgii Novæque Angliæ : nec non parties Virginiæ tabula multis in locis emendate / per Nicolaum Visscher nunc apud Petr. Schenk Iun.” That map contains a reference to the area that the Dutch knew as “Freelandt” (also Vreelant, Vreedlant and Vreedlandt) – where Englishmen sponsored by Thomas Pell settled near an area known today as Westchester Square in the Bronx – as well as a reference to “Siwanoys” in an area roughly north of today's Stamford, Connecticut. The map detail immediately below shows "Siwanoys" referenced in nearly the center of the detail in an area north of what is referenced as "Stamfort."  To the left (west) of the "Siwanoys" reference is a reference to the "Wickquaskeck" Natives.  The map purports to show the Manhattans not only on Manhattan Island, but also across much of the area that later became Pelham and Pelham Bay Park.  In the "Oost Rivier" (Long Island Sound) there are many islands depicted off the mainland shores of Freelandt, but the "Archipelago" reference in Long Island Sound appears in this map far east of today's Pelham. 

Detail from "A Map of New England and New York" from the 1676

Edition of Speed's Prospect of the World by John Speed.  Published

in London and Hand Colored, 20 x 15.5 Inches.  Source:  Barry Lawrence

Ruderman, Antique Maps, Inc., Digitized Image of Speed, John, "A

Map of New England and New York" in Speed's Prospect of the World,

(London, 1676) (Stock No. 50585; visited Apr. 18, 2019).  NOTE:

Click on Image to Enlarge.

The detail above is from an example of John Speed's Map of New England and New York from his 1676 edition of Speed's Prospect of the World published in London.  According to Barry Lawrence Ruderman of Antique Maps, Inc.:

"Speed's map is one of the earliest maps to illustrate dramatic shift from Dutch to English dominance in the Northeast in the latter part of the 17th Century and one of the earliest to use the term New York for both Manhattan (formerly New Amsterdam) and New York State, as well as one of the earliest appearances of New Iarsey (Jersey). As noted by Michael Buehler, Speed's map shares the traits of many other regional maps of the period: a haphazard depiction of the St. Lawrence, no sign of Lake Ontario, Lake Champlain offset far to the East of its actual location, Cape Cod at essentially the same latitude as New York City, and the Delaware River curving eastward to connect with the Hudson. Many of these errors can be traced far back to early 17th-century prototype maps by Samuel Champlain, Adrien Block and others. One of only a small group of English maps of New England, prior to 1700. Based on Jansson's [Janssonius's] map of 1651, it illustrates the territories acquired by the British with the capture of New Amsterdam in 1664, which radically adjusted the landscape of North American politics. While the map's geographical features are largely drawn from Jansson, the map's nomenclature is substantially anglicized, including the first appearance of the name Boston (omitted from the Jansson maps), and the use of the names New York and Cape Cod."

This detail reproduces from Jansson's map of 1651 references "Siwanoys" in nearly the center of the detail in an area north of what is referenced as "Stanford."  To the left (west) of the "Siwanoys" reference is a reference to the "Wickquaskeck" Natives.  The map purports to show the Manhattans not only on Manhattan Island, but also across much of the area that later became Pelham and Pelham Bay Park.  This detail, like several above, strongly supports the theory that references to "Siwanoys" were simply copied from earlier maps rather than through any form of meaningful independent confirmation.

Continued analysis of such 17th century map details continues to support the theory, now based on rather extensive 17th century primary sources, that there were no local Native Americans in the Pelham region properly known as "Siwanoys" during the 17th century.  Rather, according to much recently-assembled evidence, at the time Thomas Pell bought the lands that became Pelham on June 27, 1654 and for decades thereafter, the Native Americans that populated the Pelham region near the shores of Long Island Sound were referenced as "Wiechquaeskecks."  See Wed., Jan. 29, 2014:  There Were No Native Americans Known as Siwanoys.  See also Thu., Aug. 09, 2018:  Evidence that the Most Famous Native in Pelham History Was a Wiechquaeskeck, Not a "Siwanoy."

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Seventeenth Century Maps that Depict the Pelham Region

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Maps, of course, provide an interesting glimpse of changes within our region since the earliest European explorers began traversing the area and attempting to chart and map it for others to follow.  Dutch and English cartographers began crafting such depictions that included the region around today's Pelham as early as 1614.  

The accuracy and reliability of such maps must be considered with extreme care, however.  Most were drawn and engraved in Holland or England and were crafted by reliance on earlier maps supplemented with interpretations of carefully recorded information from the logs of ships that since had visited the same region.  Indeed, many maps of the New York region included images of Natives, Native canoes and dugouts, Native palisades, and other such cultural resources but placed the locations erroneously.  As one example, some showed birch bark canoes off the shores of Manhattan, an unlikely scenario since the Natives of the region crafted dugout canoes, not birch bark canoes which were far more prevalent near Massachusetts.  

Many, many maps were crafted simply by beginning with a copy of an earlier map.  Thus, errors were repeated over and over in many instances for decades.  Still, much can be learned from reasoned consideration of such maps and the ways they depict particular areas.

Today's Historic Pelham Blog article presents details from a handful of important 17th century maps that included depictions of the region that later became Pelham.  In each instance, the detail is followed by a brief commentary that summarizes a little about the historical significance of the map viz-a-viz the Pelham region.  

There are far too many such 17th century maps to discuss in a single article.  Indeed, some already have been discussed in other Historic Pelham Blog articles.  See, e.g., Mon., Aug. 13, 2018:  There Seems To Be Another Early 17th Century Map that References Siwanoys.  Today's article, however, will begin what is planned as a series of intermittent discussions of such maps in an effort to document such material as it relates to the history of the little Town of Pelham, New York.  Each detail, on which visitors can click to see a higher resolution of the image, is followed by a citation to its source and a link to an image of the full map which, typically, can be magnified to very large size for study.

Detail from "Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia + Bermuda majori mole

expressa" (New England, New Netherland, and Virginia, and Bermuda Drawn

on a Larger Scale).  1630.  By Mapmakers Hessel Gerritsz and Ioannes de Laet.

Source:  Christie's, LAET, Johannes de (1593-1649) and Hessel GERRITSZ

(1581-1632). Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia.  Leiden, ca 1630.,

(visited Aug. 18, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

This map is considered a landmark work.  It was prepared in 1630, barely five years after the founding of New Amsterdam and the construction of Fort Amsterdam. The detail above shows the region that became Pelham just left of center.  There are three significant references important to the history of the region.  There is a reference to "Helle gat" (today's Hell Gate where the so-called East River enters Long Island Sound, once a treacherous, boulder infested area where many vessels foundered).  There also is a reference to "Wecké" in the region which clearly is an early reference to Wiechquaeskeck.  The reference may have been a reference to the geographical feature referenced so often as "Wickers Creek" (and by many spelling variants).  However, because other nearby references on the map clearly indicate local Native peoples, this most likely is a reference to the Wiechquaeskeck Natives in the region.  If so, it is significant to note that it is the only such Native reference on the map in the Pelham region -- there is no reference to Siwanoys.  

A third significant aspect of the detail is the reference in the Long Island Sound waters off the shores of the Pelham region to "Aechipelago" (i.e., Archipelago) and the depiction of a host of islands off the shores.  This group of islands clearly would include the myriad such islands, islets, and rocky outcroppings off the shores of Pelham including City Island, Hart Island, Hunter's Island, Travers Island, Davids Island, the Blauzes, the Chimney Sweeps, and dozens of other such islets.

Detail from "Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova." (New Netherland and New

England.) 1635.  By Mapmaker Willem Blaeu.  Source:  "Nova Belgica

et Anglia Nova," New York Public Library Lionel Pincus and Prrincess

Firyal Map Division, Digital Image No. 434101 (visited Aug. 18,

2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

Though published in 1635, this is an enhanced, engraved, and published version of Adriaen Block's early 1614 manuscript map of New Netherland and New England.  Unlike most of the other maps, this one is oriented with north depicted to the right on the map as seen by the viewer.  

This early map references "Wecke" (i.e., Wiechquaeskecks) roughly in the region of today's Pelham (with no reference in that region to Siwanoys).  The map also shows "Hellegat" and three references in the area to "Archipelagus" (or other spelling variants). 

Detail from "Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium, et Virginia" (New England,

New Netherland, and Virginia).  1636.  By Mapmakers Janssonius

Jansz and Johannes Jan.  Source:  Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium, et

Virginia, New York Public Library, Lionel Pincus and Princess Firyal

Map Division, Image ID 484206 (visited Aug. 18, 2018).  NOTE:

Click on Image to Enlarge.

Map collectors refer to this map as the "first state" of Janssoniu (or Jansson) Jansz's printed map plate that clearly was based on the above-referenced 1630 copper plate prepared by cartographer Hessel Gerritsz.  Because the map is based on the earlier 1630 Gerritsz map, the region of today's Pelham references the same three features important to Pelham history:  (1) Wecke; (2) Helle gaet; and (3) Aechipelago.

Detail from "Nova Belgica sive Nieuw Nederlandt." 1656.  Prepared by

Adriaen van der Donck and Included in van der Donck's "Beschryvinge

van Nieuw-Nederlant" Published in 1656.  Source:  "Nova Belgica sive

Nieuw Nederlandt," 1656, John Carter Brown Library Map Collection,

Brown University, Accession No. 02929, File Name 02929-1, Call No.

F656 D678b (visited Aug. 18, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

This map is fascinating because it was created from a map drawn by Adriaen van der Donck, after whom today's Yonkers is named.  During portions of the 1640s van der Donck owned and developed a vast acreage awarded him by the Director-General and Council at Fort Amsterdam that encompassed a large swath of the southwestern portion of today's lower Westchester County.  Van der Donck actually resided in the region and served as, among other things, a guide and interpreter for the Dutch colonial authorities given his experience with local Natives.

That makes the map detail depicted above quite interesting given that it contains a reference to "Siwanoys" suggesting that a band of local Natives in the region was known as "Siwanoys."  Interestlingly, the map places such "Siwanoys" north and northwest of Stamford rather than in the Pelham region.  

The Pelham region, which is labeled "Freedlant," is shown as populated by the Natives known as "Manhattans" (who also are shown as located on today's Manhattan).  It is known that the Manhattans of the Island of Manhattan and the Wiechquaeskecks of the Bronx and lower Westchester County, both Lenape groups that spoke the Munsee dialect, were close and communicated and traded with one another via a significant trail that became Broadway and Old Boston Post Road.  However, most modern scholars agree that the Manhattans populated the Island of Manhattan while the Wiechquaeskecks populated much of the Bronx, Westchester County, and even southwestern Connecticut.

The map seems to copy other earlier maps in its placement of a reference to "Siwanoys" north of Stamford.  It also includes a reference to "Hellegat."  Though it references "Archipelago" in Long Island Sound well east of Stamford, it shows the Sound as the "Oost Rever" (East River) and depicts many small islands in waters off the shores of Freedlant.  

Detail from "Pas caerte van Nieu Nederlandt en de Engelsche Virginies

van Cabo Cod tot Cabo Canrick"  1666.  By Mapmaker Pieter Groos.

Source:  Barry Lawrence Ruderman Antique Maps Inc., "Pas caerte

van Nieu Nederlandt en de Engelsche Virginies van Cabo Cod tot

Cabo Canrick" (visited Aug. 18, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

This detail immediately above is from a significant 17th century Dutch map that illustrates the Atlantic coast of America from Cape Cod to Cape Hatteras with, of course, an emphasis on the Dutch Colony of New Netherland.  Cartographer Pieter Goos published the map in De Zee Atlas ofter Water-Weereld, first published by Goos in 1666.  

There are a number of notable features in the region that became today's Pelham depicted on this map.  First, it once again includes a reference to "Hellegat" (similar to the earlier-referenced 'Helle gaet" references described above.  It also references the Pelham region as "Freedlant," a Dutch term that translates very roughly as "Freedom Land."  Not only did the Dutch know today's Pelham region as Freedlandt (with many variant spellings reflected in 17th century records) but also in the 1960s a massive amusement park operated in the same area (including the area where today's Co-op City stands) that was named "Freedom Land."  Additionally, it shows the Long Island Sound off of Pelham shores as "Oost Rivier" (i.e., "East River").  Finally, this map shows the "Archipelago" as an area of islands off Connecticut shores, although it continues to show many small, untitled islands and islets off the shore of "Freedlant."

 Detail from "Pas caerte van Nieu Nederlandt en de Engelsche Virginies : van

Cabo Cod tot Cabo Canrick" (Later Edition, 1676, of Map by Pieter Goos first Published

in 1666).  Source:  Pas caerte van Nieu Nederlandt en de Engelsche Virginies :

van Cabo Cod tot Cabo Canrick, New York Public Library Lionel Pincus and 

Princess Firyall Map Division, Digital Image No.  433976 (visited Aug. 18, 2018).

NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

This detail from a 1676 edition of a map first published by cartographer Pieter Groos in 1666 (see above) includes two interesting elements depicted in the region that became today's Pelham.  First, it once again includes a reference to "Hellegat" (similar to the earlier-referenced 'Helle gaet" references described above.  It also references the Pelham region, once again, as "Freedlant."

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Evidence Suggesting the Pelham Legend of Wampage Murdering Anne Hutchinson Then Changing His Name Is Untrue

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One of the local Natives who signed the Pell Deed on June 27, 1654 (Julian Calendar) was a Native referenced in the document as "Anhõõke."  Many legends have arisen regarding Anhõõke.  

Anhõõke has been described as a famed Siwanoy warrior who murdered Anne Hutchinson in 1643.  At the time he supposedly was known as "Wampage" and allegedly took the name "Anhõõke" to pay homage to his notorious deed of murdering Anne Hutchinson by adopting a version of her name.  Today's Historic Pelham Blog article presents evidence to dispel this legend in an attempt to reveal it for what it is:  an apocryphal piece of fiction with no basis in fact.  Indeed, it appears that Wampage was an Algonquian Patriot and that Anhõõke was an entirely different Native. 

This fanciful story can be traced back to Robert Bolton, Jr.  In his history of Westchester County first published in 1848 and reissued in a second edition (1881) and a third edition (1905), Robert Bolton, Jr. seems to be the first author to claim in print that Anhõõke and Wampage were one and the same.  Bolton wrote: 

"The residence of Anne Hutchinson appears to have been situated on Pelham neck [sic; it was near today's Co-op City Complex], formerly called Ann's hoeck, literally, Ann's point or neck, hoeck being a Dutch name for a neck or point, for, up to a very late period, her farm was distinguished as the Manor of Anne hooks neck. A small stream that separates this town from Eastchester on the west still retains her surname Hutchinson's river. One of the principal Indian proprietors of this territory also assumed her christian surname, as we find it recorded in the early deeds, Ann-hoock alias Wampage. This individual may have taken an active part in the destruction of Mrs. Hutchinson, for nothing was more common among the Indians than for a warrior to assume the name of his victim." 

Source:  Bolton, Jr., Robert, A History of the County of Westchester From its First Settlement to the Present Time, Vol. 1, p. 515 (NY, NY: Alexander S. Gould 1848). 

Other historians have questioned portions of this fanciful legend.  See, e.g., Ultan, Lloyd, The Bronx in the Frontier Era, p. 196 (Bronx, NY: Bronx Historical Society 1994) ("Wampage was also known as Ann-Hooke. Several authors assume that he was the man who killed Anne Hutchinson and took her name. Without documentary evidence, this must remain speculation.").  What follows is evidence that the Pelham legend of Wampage changing his name to Anhõõke after murdering Anne Hutchinson is untrue.

In mid-September, 1656 (about September 17, 1656, Julian Calendar), the Commissioners for the United Colonies of New England met in "New Plymouth."  The Commission was a confederation among the colonies of Connecticut, New Haven, Massachusetts, and Plymouth established to enhance protections against attacks by Natives in the region.  There were two Commissioners from each of the colonies with at least six votes required to approve any decision by the Commission.  

The Commission met periodically to address and, when possible, resolve disputes over trade, boundaries, and religion.  Its decisions were merely advisory with the political authorities of each of the colonies retaining sovereignty and authority to make final decisions.  Consequently, the Commission had little weight or influence and was dissolved in 1684.  

During the Commission's meeting in mid-September, 1656, the Commissioners had to deal with, among other things, a dispute arising among Natives over who was responsible -- and, thus, likely to be held accountable -- for the recent murder of several English settlers. Oddly, the issue arose after a separate complaint by Natives was referred to the Commission claiming that a Montauk Sachem had hired "a witch" to murder famed Mohegan Sachem Uncas.   

The Montauk Sachem appeared before the Commissioners and denied any such plot to hire anyone to kill Uncas.  During the meeting, however, another local Native described as "a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian" asserted to the Commissioners that he had evidence that the Montauk Sachem was responsible for the recent murders of the English settlers.  The Narragansett claimed that he and others had heard a Native who "lived under" the Montauk Sachem confess that he was hired to commit the murders in exchange for a payment of one hundred fathoms of wampum paid through an English settler named Eaton.  The Narragansett provided the name of the hired assassin.  It was "Wampeage" (also referenced in the record as "Wampeag").

Wampage was not present to address the accusation.  As the Commissioners looked into the matter, the "bold and cunning" Narragansett's story fell apart.  The final straw was when the Commissioners had Eaton testify and he denied ever seeing Wampage or ever even possessing one hundred fathom of Wampum.  The pertinent excerpt of the record states:

"Notice whereof being giuen to the said Montackett Sachem and hee Required to attend the Comissioners att this meeting att Plymouth  The said Sachem with fiue of his men came over from longe Iland towards the latter end of Augut in Captaine Younges Barque whoe was to cary the Newhauen Comissioners to Plymouth but the Wind being contrary they first putt in att Milford  The Sachem then desiring to Improve the season sent to speak with Ausuntawey or any of the westeren Indians to see whoe or what could bee charged vpon him but none came but such as professed they had nothing against him:  The Comissioners being mett att Plymouth; The said Sachem presented himselfe to answare but neither Ninegrett nor Vncas nor the Milford Sachem appeared, onely Newcom a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian sent by Ninnegrett as his Messenger or deputy charged the long Iland Sachem first with the murther of Mr. Drake and other Englishmen affeirming that one Wampeag had before seuerall Indians confessed that hee liueing vnder the Montackett Sachem did it being thervnto hiered by the said Sachem which the said Sachem absolutly deneyinge and capt:  Young professing that both English and Indians in those partes thought him Innocent; Necom was asked why himselfe from Ninnegrett haueing layed such charges vpon the long Iland Sachem before the Massachusetts court hee had not brought his proffe; hee answared that wampeage was absent but some other Indians were present whoe could speake to the case; whervpon an Indian afeirmed that he had heard the said wampeage confesse that being hiered as above hee had murthered the said English men; though after the said murther with himselfe that now spake the Muntackett Sachem and some other Indians being att Newhauen hee deneyed itt to Mr. Goodyer and one hundred fathome of Wampam being tendered and deliuered to Mr. Eaton the matter ended; Mr. Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam  Nor did hee believe that any at all was tendered him; whervpon the Comissioners caled to the Indian for proffe Mr. Eaton being present and deneying it the Indian answared there were two other Indians present that could speake to it; they were were called forth but both of them professed that though themselues and som other Indians were then att Newhauen yett the former afeirmin Indian was not there and that there was noe wampam att all either Receiued or tendered; so that the long Iland Sachem for what yett appeerec stood free from this foule Charge".

Care is warranted in considering this 17th century record in the context it is here presented.  In the 17th century, there was a group of Natives known as Wampanoags that consisted of a loose confederacy of several tribes.  A number of 17th century records refer to the Wampanoags as "Wampeages."  Indeed, in his Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico:  N-Z published in 1912, Frederick Webb Hodge wrote that "Wampeage = Wampanoag."  See  "SYNONYMY" in Hodge, Frederick Webb, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Part 2, pp. 1021, 1169 (Washington, DC: Gov't Printing Office, 1912) (stating "Wampeage = Wampanoag").  Thus, such references must be considered regarding whether they reference a people known as Wampeage or an individual whose name was Wampage (or Wampeage or Wampeag or another phonetically-similar variant).

Admittedly, several of the references in the quote set forth above seem, at best, ambiguous and might be read as referencing a member of the Wampeage people, one of the references does not seem ambiguous at all and seems to make clear that it is the name of the individual.  It is the reference that reads "Mr. Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam."  

Such a reference to "Wampeage" in this 17th century record is significant in the context of Pelham lore.  It arguably shows that two years after Thomas Pell bought lands from local Natives including "Anhõõke" and thirteen years after local Natives murdered Anne Hutchinson and most of her family, Wampage was still being referenced by his name and not by the name "Anhõõke."  This record repeatedly refers to Wampeage and Wampeag without including "alias Anhõõke" (or "Anhõõke alias Wampage") as so often appears in references to Wampage published by local Pelham historians.  Indeed, this 1656 record seems to support the view that Wampage and Anhõõke were entirely different people and that the Native known as Wampage did not change his name due to some now-unknown reputed Native "custom" to change a name to adopt the name of a notable murder victim -- a "custom" for which there also is no known evidence in the region.

In short, the Wiechquaeskeck Saggamore and counselor Anhõõke was neither a "Siwanoy" nor did he change his name from "Wampage" after murdering Anne Hutchinson.  This 17th century record supports the argument that Wampage was an entirely different person.

"Massacre of Anne Hutchinson"

NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

*          *          *          *           *

"A Note of the persons in the Indian worke and theire Sallaries per Annum;

Imprimis Mr. John Elliot.................................50    00    00
Mr. Francis Elliot his Brother.........................30    00    00
Sofaman        }
Momquason   } three Indian Interpreters }....30    00   00
Job                 } Imployed by Mr. Eliott
To Mr. Thomas Mayhew...............................50    00    00
To Peter Forlger Imployed by Mr. Mayhew..30    00    00
Hiacombs     }
                     }  Imployed by Mr. Mayhew.....20    00    00
Panuppaqua }  as Interpreters
Mr. Elliot and Mr. Mayhew to distribute
     to sick Indians.........................................20    00    00
To Mr. Weld for diett and for teaching eight
    Indian boyes and one gerle    }................85    00    00
For clothing the said boys and gerle about.50     00    00
For diett clothing and teaching of John
     the Son of Tho: Stanton whoe spake
     the Indian language well to further
     him for the worke about.........................20    00    00
To Mr. Abraham Person..............................15    00    00
To Mr. Rawson our Agent for his 
     salary and wharfhousrome....................30    00    00

Besides what is usefully expended in gifts and gratuities to well deserving Indians

To Indian plantations in theire beginning in stocke of Cattle and tooles &c Charges about buildings meeting houses and boates and other accidentall Charges and and expences

The yearly vallue is uncertaine and may bee abated or encreased as there shalbee occation

The Sallaries generally end in September the fixt the time of the Comissioners meeting

In answare to a motion made by Mr. Chaunceye Presdedent of the Colledge in a letter dated the 28th august (56) to make use of the Indian Buildings;

The Commissioners are willing that the presedent with the advise of the Commissioners of the Massachusetts and Mr. Elliott may for one year next ensuing Improve the said building to accomodate some English Students provided the said building bee by the Corporation cecured from any dammage that may befall the same through the use thereof

In Answare to a motion made by mr. Elliott in his letter of August 30. 1656 for some agents to bee appointed in the Massachusetts to promote and forward the worke among the Indians; both in Respect of their gouerment and Incurraging meet Instruments for theire further healp and Instruction;

The Commissioners doe conceiue the the said Indians doe belong to the Jurisdiction of the Massachusetts and therfore doe Refer it to the wisdome and care of that Gouernment, and for Incurrageing the Indian worke as wee haue formerly foe att present wee doe Authorise the Comissioners of the Massachusetts whose care and fidelitie wee haue noe cause to suspect to doe or cause to bee done that which in theire Judgments may most conduce to the advancing of the Indian worke;

Whereas it was presented to the Comissioners by Mr. hollihock of Sprinkfeild that Mastiffe Doggs might bee of good use against the Indians in case of any desturabance from them which they Reddily apprehending thought meet to comend the same to the seuerall generall Courts to take care and make provision therof accordingly

Coushawshett and Cushasimmon were continued in theire Respectiue places of gouerning the Pequots for one year Insueing according to the orders and Instructions set downe by the Comissioners the last yeare att Newhauen; and were further ordered to bring in theire Tribute to Tho. Stanton three monthes before the yearly meeting of the Commissioners in September; and vpon theire Information that divers Pequots are stuburne and Redy to mannefest theire disobeidience to the orders of the Commissioners and that theire authoritie is not sufficient to containe them; and therfore did desire they might bee assisted by some English dwelling near them:  The Commisioners haue desired Mr. John Winthorpe Major Mason and Capt: Denison or any of them by theire Counsell or Countenance aiding and asisting to the said deputed Gouernors in the execution of all our orders and Instructions and containing the Pequots in obeidience to the same;

Vpon a complaint made by Ninnegrates messengers to the Generall court of the Massachuetts in May last against the Montackett Sachem for murthering Mr. Drake and some other Englishmen vpon ours near the long Iland shore and seiseing theire goods many yeares since and for Trecherously assaulting Ninnegrett vpon block Iland and killing many of his men after a peace concluded betwixt them certifyed to Newhauen by the Massachusetts Comissioners by a complaint made by Awsuntawey the Indian Sagamore near Milford and two other western Indians against the said Montackett Sachem for hiering a witch to kill Vncas with the said Milford Sachem and his son giueing eight fathom of wampam in hand promising a hundred or an hundred and twenty more when the said murthers were comitted; Notice whereof being giuen to the said Montackett Sachem and hee Required to attend the Comissioners att this meeting att Plymouth  The said Sachem with fiue of his men came over from longe Iland towards the latter end of Augut in Captaine Younges Barque whoe was to cary the Newhauen Comissioners to Plymouth but the Wind being contrary they first putt in att Milford  The Sachem then desiring to Improve the season sent to speak with Ausuntawey or any of the westeren Indians to see whoe or what could bee charged vpon him but none came but such as professed they had nothing against him:  The Comissioners being mett att Plymouth; The said Sachem presented himselfe to answare but neither Ninegrett nor Vncas nor the Milford Sachem appeared, onely Newcom a cuning and bould Narragansett Indian sent by Ninnegrett as his Messenger or deputy charged the long Iland Sachem first with the murther of Mr. Drake and other Englishmen affeirming that one Wampeag had before seuerall Indians confessed that hee liueing vnder the Montackett Sachem did it being thervnto hiered by the said Sachem which the said Sachem absolutly deneyinge and capt:  Young professing that both English and Indians in those partes thought him Innocent; Necom was asked why himselfe from Ninnegrett haueing layed such charges vpon the long Ilsnad Sachem before the Massachusetts court hee had not brought his proffe; hee answared that wampeage was absent but some other Indians were present whoe could speake to the case; whervpon an Indian afeirmed that he had heard the said wampeage confesse that being hiered as above hee had murthered the said English men; though after the said murther with himselfe that now spake the Muntackett Sachem and some other Indians being att Newhauen hee deneyed itt to Mr. Goodyer and one hundred fathome of Wampam being tendered and deliuered to Mr. Eaton the matter ended; Mr. Eaton professed as in the presence of God hee Remembered not that hee had seen Wampeage nor that hee had Received soe much as one fathom of wampam  Nor did hee believe that any at all was tendered him; whervpon the Comissioners caled to the Indian for proffe Mr. Eaton being present and deneying it the Indian answared there were two other Indians present that could speake to it; they were were called forth but both of them professed that though themselues and som other Indians were then att Newhauen yett the former afeirmin Indian was not there and that there was noe wampam att all either Receiued or tendered; so that the long Iland Sachem for what yett appeerec stood free from this foule Charge;

2cond.  The said Newcome charged the Montackett Sachem with breach of Couenant in asaulting Ninnegrett and killing divers of his men att Block Iland after a conclusion of peace the Treaty whereof was begun by a Squaw sent by Ninnigrett to the said Sachem to tender him peace and the prisoners which the said Ninnigrett had taken from the long Iland Sachem vpon condtion the said Sachem did wholly Submitt to him and yeild his countrey to claime  The Montackett Sachem acknowlidged the said message but afeirmed hee Refused to accept the Conditions which hee could not without adviseing with the English whervpon the Squaw Returned and came backe from Ninnigrett with an offer of the prisoners for Ransom of wampame which hee saith hee sent and had his prisoners Releiued Newcome affeirmed the agreement between the said Sachems was made att Pesacus his house by two long Iland Indians Deligates to to [sic] the Montackett Sachem in presence of Pesacus and his brother and others two English men being present one wherof was Robert Westcott; Pesacus his brother testifyed the agreement as abovesaid, The Muntackett Sachem acknowlidged hee sent the said Delligates but neuer heard of any such agreement and deneyed hee gaue any such Comission to his men Newcome afeirming Robert Westcott would Testify the agreement aforsaid and desiring a writing from the Comissioners to Lycence the said Westcott to come and give in his Testimony which was graunted and Newcome departed pretending to fetch Westcott but Returned Not; The Comissioners finding much Difficulty to bring theire thoughts to a certaine Determination on Satisfying grounds yett concidering how Proudly Ninnigrett and how peacably the Monthackett Sachem hath carryed it towards the English ordered that a message the contents whereof heerafter followeth bee by Tho: Stanton deliuered to Ninnigrett; and that for the securitie of the English plantations on long Iland and for an Incurragement to the Montackett Sachem thw two first particulars of the order to hinder Ninnigretts Attempts on long Iland; made last year att Newhauen bee continued; Notwithstanding the said English are Required to Improve those orders with all moderation and not by any Rashnes or vnadvisednes to begin a broile unlesse they bee Nessesitated thervnto;

The Montackett Sachem being questioned by the Comissioners concerning the paiment of his Tribute professed that hee had payed it att hartford for ten yeares but acknowlidged theire was four yeares behind which the Comissioners thought meet to respett in respect of his present Troubles;

Instructions for Thomas Stanton

YOU are to informe Ninnigrett the Nyanticke Sachem that the Commissioners with much patience and in the vse of meanes to them chargable haue minded him of his couenants made in 1645 and by him confeirmed both in the yeare 1647 and 1649 that hee hath Ingaged himselfe not to goe to warr with any of the Indians Subjects to or in frindshp with the English; and that vpon his complaint by his messengers in May last to the honered court of the Massachusetts they sent to the Montackett Sachem to attend theire meeting att Plymouth which accordingly hee hath done; but neither Ninnegrett himselfe came nor hath his messenger beene able to make any proffe of what hee charged soe that the Comissioners not willing to take advantage of some former and some latter Rash and prouoking expressions of Ninnegrett and his messengers doe aduise and expect that for the future hee better attend his Ingagement that hee neither himselfe begin nor procecute any warr first in any hostile Invaysion against the said Montackett Sachem or any others whoe are frinds to the English till first his complaints bee fully heard and ordered by the Comissioners and they shall lay the like charge vpon the Montackett Sachem that hee without further prouocation desturbe not the peace of Ninnigretts or the Nyanticke Indians; 

You are to acquaint the two Narraganssett Sachems of what the Comissioners haue told Mixam that the Comissioners are as reddy to heare theire greivances against Vncas as his against them; they allow not any dareing challenges to fight; nor that hee or any of his should take away from the Narragansett any thinge belonging to them though but a gun; that vpon complaint they haue caused aboue nine fathom of wampum belonging to Vncas to bee deposited in Mr. Thomas Stantons hands till the matter of the gun bee heared and cleared; The Comissioners expect from the Narragansett Sachems that according to theire Couenants made 1645 they neither directly nor indirectly attempt or begine any warr against Vncas or any other Indian or Indians subject to or in frindship with the English nor any that shall begine or proceed in any such warr till first theire hath been a full hearing of all such Differences and vpon Satisfying proffe a determination by the Comissioners with damages ordered to such as haue been wronged; and they shall lay the like charge vpon Vncas not to wrong or any way desturbe the peace of the Narragansetts; 

1.  You are to Informe Vncas of sundry Complaints made against him all tending to desturbe both his owne peace and the peace of the countrey; as that hostile assault made vpon the Poducke Indians near hartford and contrary to the advise giuen him by the Majestrates and court there to Revenge which (wee heare) some Mohegin blood hath been sheed and some captiues taken

2cond.  After an Agreement made and those Captiues Returned Vncas or his brother haue in an hostile manor Invadid the Nowootucke Indians which may draw on mischeivous effects aboue his power to Issue;

3.  That hee seuerall wayes prouoakes the Narragansett Indians obraiding them with theire dead Sachems which hee knowes they cannot beare; somtimes challenging them to fight which is both strange and very offenciue to the Comissioners; and wee heare that Vncas hos son hath taken a gun from a Narragansett Indian which Foxon not deneying hee hath deposited betwixt nine and ten fathom of wampam in Thomas Stantons hands till the question about the gun bee cleared;

4.  After a peace lately made or renewed by the montackett Sachem and a considerable sume of wampam receiued by Vncas hee by Fauxon &c. Chargeth the Montackett Sachem to hier a witch a western Indian to kill Vncas and others about Millford but without any proffe, and the Montackett Sachem bing lately att Milford hath nothing there charged against him; 

5.  Lastly they are informed that Vncas knowes what the English haue done for his defence against Ninnegrett &c. and how proudly and prouockingly Ninnigrett hath since carried towards the English yett he hath made a peace or some agreement with Ninnigrett without the advise or knowlidge of the English all which passages beinge strange and if true very offenciue yett the Comissioners being loth to Neglect or forgitt former freindship and Ingagements they cannot but expect that some conuenient time and place bee appointed to heare and determine these strange passages that both the Comissioners and offended Indians may receiue due Satisfaction and in the mean time that noe further prouocations bee giuen to any of the Indians in freindship with the English much lesse that any challeng bee made or any begining or assistance giuen to any warr without the Comissioners concent the like charge being layed vpon the Narragansetts not to desturbe his peace

Captaine Gorge Denis is desired to be present with and asistance to Thomas Stanton in deliuering the forgoeing messages. . . . ."

Source:  Hazard, Ebenezer, ed., Historical Collections; Consisting of State Papers, And Other Authentic Documents; Intended as Materials for an History of the United States of America, Vol. II, pp. 358-63 (Freeport, NY:  Books for Libraries Press, 1969) reprinted from original 1794 edition).

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More on John Ffinch, A Witness to the Signing of Thomas Pell's June 27, 1654 "Indian Deed"

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On June 27, 1654, Thomas Pell signed a so-called "Indian Deed" with local Native Americans acquiring the lands that became Pelham and surrounding areas. A copy of that deed, said to be in Thomas Pell's handwriting, exists. It is among the Pell family papers maintained by the Fort Ticonderoga Museum. That document offers some of the best evidence we have of those who knew Thomas Pell. 

I long have been researching the lives of those Englishmen who signed the Pell deed and agreement on June 27, 1654 as witnesses. An image of that agreement and a transcription of its text is available on the archive of the Historic Pelham Web site by clicking here. 

Among those whose signatures or marks appear on the document as witnesses are "Richard Crabb", "Henry Accorly", "John Ffinch", "William Newman" and others. Inquiry into the backgrounds of these men has shed additional light on Thomas Pell and his purchase. 

Periodically I have published on the Historic Pelham Blog a little of the massive amount of information I have assembled about these various Englishmen of the 17th century. For examples, see, e.g.:

Thu., Aug. 09, 2007:  Information About John Ffinch: A Witness to the Signing of Thomas Pell's "Indian Deed" with Local Native Americans on June 27, 1654.

Friday, November 03, 2006: More About Richard Crabb, the "Magistrate" Who Witnessed the Signing of Thomas Pell's "Indian Deed" with Local Native Americans on June 27, 1654

Friday, September 22, 2006: Henry Accorly: A Witness to the Signing of Thomas Pell's "Indian Deed" with Local Native Americans on June 27, 1654

Friday, September 15, 2006: William Newman: A Witness to the Signing of Thomas Pell's "Indian Deed" with Local Native Americans on June 27, 1654

Thursday, May 18, 2006: Richard Crabb, the "Magistrate" Who Witnessed the Signing of Thomas Pell's "Indian Deed" with Local Native Americans on June 27, 1654

In 2009, I also published an article in The Bronx Historical Society Journal about the Englishmen who signed Pell's so-called "Indian Deed."  See Bell, Blake A., The New Englanders Who Signed Thomas Pell's 1654 Agreement Acquiring Much of Today's Bronx and Lower Westchester Counties From Native Americans, The Bronx County Historical Society Journal, Vol. XLVI, Nos. 1 & 2, pp. 25-49 (Spring / Fall, 2009).

Image of the Handwritten Copy of Pell's So-Called "Indian Deed"

Signed on June 27, 1654.  This Deed is the Original Deed in the

Chain of Title for Every Home in Today's Town of Pelham. For a

Transcription of the Text Prepared by This Author, click here

and Scroll Down.  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.

Today's Historic Pelham Blog article adds to this research by providing a previously unnoticed reference to John Ffinch (i.e., Finch), one of the men who signed the Pell deed.

John Finch was among the seven hundred or so English Puritans led by John Winthrop who migrated from England to the Massachusetts Bay Colony in the eleven ships that formed the “Winthrop Fleet of 1630”. 

During the 1630s and early 1640s, Finch could be found in the Boston, Cambridge and nearby Watertown areas of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay.  In the early 1640s he moved to Stamford. He seems to have followed Daniel Finch, who may have been his brother.  In any event, John was in Stamford by October, 1642 when he received a land grant.

In Stamford, Finch met three of the four men with whom he eventually signed Thomas Pell’s deed: Henry Ackerly (referenced on Pell’s deed as “Henry Accorly”), Richard Crabb, and William Newman.  In those years, New Haven’s rule over settlements including Stamford and Greenwich was a constant source of irritation for local settlers. In 1644, a considerable part of the group that had relocated from Wethersfield to Stamford fled to Long Island preferring to live under the Dutch than to “remain under the oppressive jurisdiction with which they had now become thoroughly acquainted, and as thoroughly dissatisfied.” John Finch, Richard Crabb, Henry Ackerly and William Newman were among those who remained. 

Things did not improve for those who remained, however. Finally, in 1653, Stamford residents delivered a formal complaint to New Haven authorities regarding taxes, voting rights and “various other obnoxious measures”.  New Haven authorities attended a town meeting and found Stamford residents “full of discontent with the present government they are under”.  

New Haven authorities concluded that at least one of the Finch men – perhaps John Finch – had whipped up ill sentiment in Stamford toward the Colony of New Haven.  At about this time, John Finch sold his house and lot in Stamford, although he seems to have remained in the area for a time. 

Interestingly, another of those who later signed Pell’s deed as a witness – William Newman – was also accused at this time by the New Haven authorities of being “one of the disturbers of ye peace of Stamford, in pleading for such libertie in votes as would overthrow the foundations of goverment [sic] here laid”.  

Finch may have had a strong motive to assist Pell in Pell's purchase of lands from Native Americans.  Finch may have sought to arrange a settlement for his son, also named John, on a portion of those lands. 

Within months of his acquisition, Pell made some land available to English settlers who planted a settlement far west of the boundary established by the 1650 Treaty of Hartford. They settled at the mouth of today’s Westchester Creek in the Bronx. The Dutch called the settlement “Oostdorp”. The English initially called the settlement “Westchester.”  

The enormity of Pell’s move was not lost on the Dutch. They soon invaded the settlement and removed some settlers to a prison ship. They released the settlers shortly, but forced them to pledge allegiance to the Dutch to remain in the settlement. 

During some of these events, a “John Finch” was an inhabitant of “Oostdorp”. For example, an “Oath Written and Signed by the Inhabitants of Oostdorp” on January 1, 1657 affirming the settlers’ allegiance to the Dutch after the Dutch invaded the settlement is signed by, among others, “John Finch”. Admittedly, the records do not explicitly indicate whether this was “John Finch” senior or junior. Yet, careful consideration suggests that it was the son who settled in Oostdorp.  The father seems to have remained in the Stamford area. 

According to some authorities, John Finch, Sr. died in Stamford on September 5, 1657.  The inventory of his estate was recorded in Book 1, page 66 of the Stamford records bearing the date of 9th of 12th mo., 1658 so he certainly died before that date.

Recent research has revealed an additional 17th century document referencing what appears to be John Ffinch, Jr. (the son of the John Finch who signed the Pell deed) living in the tiny settlement of Oostdorp, so renamed by the Dutch after they invaded the settlement previously known as Westchester.

The two-page document is a petition copied into Dutch Council Minutes reflecting that the original was signed by seven residents of the settlement of Westchester and submitted to Dutch authorities on March 13, 1656.  The transcription of the document by Dr. Charles T. Gehring shows that one of the petitioners was "John Finth," almost certainly John Finch, Jr. who lived in the settlement at the time.  The document is a petition presenting the names of six of the settlement's earliest and most important settlers from which the Dutch were to select those whom they would allow to serve as local government officials.  An image of the petition copied into the Dutch Council minutes appears immediately below, followed by Dr. Gehring's transcription of the same.

March 13, 1656 "Letter from Robert Bassitt and others to director

and council", Page 01 of 02.  Source:  "Letter from Robert Bassitt

and others to director and council", New York State Archives, (visited

Apr. 22, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.  Transcription

Appears Below.

March 13, 1656 "Letter from Robert Bassitt and others to director

and council", Page 01 of 02.  Source:  "Letter from Robert Bassitt

and others to director and council", New York State Archives, (visited

Apr. 22, 2018).  NOTE:  Click on Image to Enlarge.  Transcription

Appears Below.

"[6:341b] 

[NOMINATION OF OFFICIALS AT WESTCHESTER] 

Westchester, March 13th, 1656 

Honoured Sir 

The inhabitans of Westchester haveing taken into consideration the nesessite of haveing offisors established amonghst our selves in this Towne for the executing of such Lords in the Towne may conduce to the good of our towne shippe therefore this may signifie to your honour that the Towne have presented unto your honour these sixe, Leftenant Thomas Wheeler: Thomas Neuman: John Lord: Josiah Gilbert: William Ward: Nicklis Bay ley: that soe you may be pleased to confirme and establish offisires amonghst us for this yeare next insending the date hereof further the towne have chosen and deputed as debutyes in theyre Behalfe the afore said full confirmation from your honnour how fare our bounds shall extend and Reach. 

The underwritten in the behalfe of our selves and the rest of the town 

Robert Bassit 
Robert Rosse 
John Fenner 
William Bensill 
John Finth 
Joseph Lanckton 
John Richardsone"

Source:  Gehring, Charles T., Trans. & Ed., Council Minutes 1655-1656, p. 281 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995).

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